MEDIEVAL HISTORY
THE
AGE OF HILDEBRAND
XXVII.
THE EMPEROR MASTER OF ITALY-DEATH OF HENRY VI AND CELESTINE III
THE death of Tancred caused Henry to set
out again for Italy in the summer of
1194, in order to secure possession of the
kingdom of Sicily, for which he greatly
desired the Pope's confirmation. His
visit to Sicily was signalized by atrocious cruelties.
Having caused himself and his wife to be crowned at
Palermo, he put out the eyes of Tancred's son, mutilated and tortured many of his partisans, had the
corpse of Tancred disinterred and rifled of the royal
insignia, and imprisoned his widow. The Emperor
was thus master of Italy. Even the papal territory
was in his hands, and the Lombards saw themselves
in danger of losing their hardly won freedom. He
committed the administration of Italy to Germans,
created his brother Philip Duke of Tuscany, and enfeoffed him with the Mathilde property, Conrad of
Ürslingen with Spoleto, and the general Markwald
with Romagna and the Marches. He took possession
of the church's patrimony almost to the gates of
Rome, professed to be master even in the Trastevere, and styled himself
Duke of the Campagna. He appeared to have revived his father's ideal of
universal empire, of the enslavement of Italy, and of the overthrow of the
Gregorian Papacy. The city prefect in Rome habitually opposed the Pope, and the
Frangipani allied themselves with the Emperor. The feeble Celestine was
forced not only to abandon to the senate the government of Rome, but also to
surrender to the Emperor the Sabina and the Maritima. The secular power of St.
Peter seemed to be passing away. The papal finances were in a desperate
condition, and simony prevailed in the Curia as never before.
New complications now appeared in France. Philip Augustus since 1193 had
been married to Ingeborg, the sister of the King of Denmark, but had separated
from her on the pretended ground of blood-relationship with his first wife. On
the appeal of Ingeborg and her brother to Rome, the Pope sent two legates to
France, who, however, were able to accomplish nothing. He then wrote to the
Archbishop of Sens, expressing his regret for the King's conduct, enlarging
upon the sacredness of the marriage relation and the care which the church
should observe respecting it, declaring the separation invalid, and commanding
the archbishop to thwart any possible attempt of the King to contract a new
marriage. The same order was given to the Archbishop of Rheims, and Philip was
commanded to resume his relation with Ingeborg. But within four weeks Philip
married Agnes, the daughter of the Duke of Tyrol.
Henry VI, in the meantime, endeavored to make peace with the Pope,
regardless of consequences. Having become master of Italy, he was infatuated
with the idea of seizing the Byzantine throne, and thus uniting East and West
under his sceptre. The shortest road to this was a new crusade. Accordingly he
wrote to the Pope that the best means of delivering the Holy Land and
extirpating prevalent heresies was the reconciliation of the church and the
state. He desired Celestine to send legates to treat with him concerning
peace. At Bari, on Good Friday, 1195, the Emperor privately took the cross,
and had the crusade preached at Easter by way of thanksgiving for the divine
mercy which had enabled him to overcome Sicily. The Pope returned a
conciliatory answer, sent two cardinals to discuss matters with the Emperor,
and appointed two others to go to Germany during the summer and preach the
crusade, according to Henry's desire. About the same time he charged his legate in England, Archbishop Hubert of Canterbury, with the English bishops, to
take part in the enterprise and to induce King Richard to do so. He issued a
new bull of privilege to the Latin clergy at the Holy Sepulchre, and took
ecclesiastical possession of the island of Cyprus, which had been conquered by
Richard of England in 1191, sending two legates to superintend the collection
of tithes. He also addressed himself to the suppression of the infidels in the
West, enjoining the kings of Spain to take up arms against the Saracens.
King Alfonso of Leon proved refractory. Because of his marriage with the
daughter of King Sancho I
of Portugal, who was related to him by blood, he, with his wife and
father-in-law, had been laid under ban. Through the submission of his wife, the
Princess Therese, who took the veil and was afterwards honored as a saint, the
marriage was dissolved and the ban removed. But the King was in league with the
Saracens against Castile, and refused to abandon his alliance; and Celestine
accordingly renewed the ban, summoned his subjects to fight the Saracens, and
commanded the Archbishop of Toledo, in case the King should continue his league
with the infidels, to release them from their allegiance in the name of the
apostolic see.
The attempt of the Emperor to unite the kingdom of Sicily with the
empire had been vigorously opposed in Germany, especially by the bishops. The
project of the crusade met with a better reception, and was indorsed by the
Diet of Würzburg in March, 1196. At this diet the Emperor also gained the
consent of
the princes to make the German crown and the imperial dignity hereditary, and therefore independent
of the Pope. Even the opposing princes were persuaded to acknowledge,
at Frankfort, the three-year-old son of the Emperor, Frederick, as heir to the
crown. While Henry was arming for a new expedition to Italy, he continued his
negotiations with the Pope. There was an abundance of matter. Letters of
Celestine to the Byzantine Emperor Alexius had been intercepted by Henry's
servants; the Emperor's brother Philip had committed many acts of violence in
Italy; and Henry's own outrages in Sicily were regarded by the Curia as
crimes.
In the summer of 1196 Henry made his last disastrous expedition to
Italy. Some weeks were spent near Tivoli in negotiations with the Pope about
anointing young Frederick as King; but nothing was accomplished, and the
Emperor moved on to Sicily. His final experience there might easily have been
construed as a retribution for his horrible cruelties. A conspiracy was formed
against him, in which his own wife, and according to some accounts the Pope,
participated, and from which he barely escaped. He sent young Frederick to
Germany in charge of his brother Philip to have him crowned there; but before
their arrival he died on the 28th of September, 1197. As he was still under
excommunication, the Archbishop of Messana went to Rome to obtain permission
for his interment, which the Pope granted on condition that Richard of England
should receive back the price of his ransom. Frederick's reception of the
Sicilian crown he made dependent on the agreement of the cardinals. The Empress
must swear that Frederick was the lawful son of the Emperor and herself; and
for their consent the Pope and the college of cardinals were to receive a
thousand marks of silver.
After the Emperor's death a great part of Tuscany and the kingdom of
Sicily returned to the sovereignty of the Pope. Other territories, on the
contrary, such as imperial Tuscany, armed themselves against the attempts which
were now being begun by the Roman Curia to extend its secular sovereignty
beyond any previous limits.
Celestine did not long survive the Emperor. His
last sickness attacked him just before Christmas. He assembled the
cardinals for consultation about his successor, but they refused to accept his
candidate, John of St. Paul, of the house of Colonna, and he died on the 8th of
January, 1198. Forsaken by the princes, almost wholly bereft of his secular
power, with an empty treasury, he little dreamed that his immediate successor
would most fully carry out the Gregorian conception of the church's secular
dominion. Eighty-five years old when he assumed the papal chair, Celestine
could not, especially with such an Emperor as Henry VI, realize this ideal.
Mild and yielding by nature, the sharp antagonisms in his administration were
owing to his dependence upon their representatives in the college of
cardinals—his two immediate successors, Innocent III and Honorius III.
Following the leader of the zealots, Cardinal Lothair, he seemed to desire to
be another Alexander III; but under the counsel of his personal friend
Cencius his strenuousness relaxed. Hence he was continually experiencing
defeats, was powerless in Rome, and left to his successor numerous unsettled
complications in different parts of Europe.
Before going further, our attention must be directed to the principal
forms of heresy with which several succeeding pontificates came into conflict.
THE GREAT HERESIES.
The heresies of this period may be roughly divided into two classes—the
one including those who held all the great essential truths of Christianity,
but were opposed to the whole sacerdotal system, and the other those who were
tainted with serious doctrir al errors. It should be said in advance that
almost on only sources of information are the representations of the persecutors.
The literature of the persecuted has well-nigh vanished.
The conditions of society in southern France were favorable to the
propagation of heresy. The whole population and civilization were in marked
contrast with those of the north. The various elements which, from remote
antiquity, had successively occupied the soil—Phoenician, Greek, Gothic,
Saracenic—had set a cosmopolitan stamp upon the population. The citizens of
Narbonne and Marseilles were of a different type from the citizens of Paris.
Culture and luxury had made greater progress than in the north. Chivalry and
poetry were assiduously cultivated by the nobles. The people of the commercial
cities were enlightened and educated. The clergy were negligent, luxurious,
and despised by the people, and the patent derelictions of the church were
freely criticised by those who possessed any religious earnestness or positive
conviction. Bernard of Clairvaux pathetically described the state of religion
in the territories of the Count of Toulouse: "Churches without people,
people without priests, priests without the reverence due to them, Christians
without Christ, sacraments no longer sacred, the apostolic and prophetic voices
silenced by the voice of a single heretic."
The Poor of Lyons
It was amid such a population that the first anti-sacerdotal heresy was
preached, in Val Louise, about 1106, by Pierre de Bruys, of Embrun, and forty
years later by a monk, Henry of Lausanne. They taught that infant baptism was
useless, rejected the Eucharist, declared that churches were unnecessary and
should be destroyed, that alms, masses, and prayers for the dead were
unavailing, and that the cross, as the instrument on which Christ was tortured,
should not be invoked but destroyed.
In the second half of the twelfth century appeared Peter Waldo, a rich
merchant of Lyons, who, desiring to know the Scriptures, caused a translation
of the New Testament to be made into the Romance language, and a collection of
extracts from the fathers, known as "the Sentences." He became filled
with zeal to imitate the apostolic life as commanded by Christ, and accordingly
sold his property and devoted himself to preaching in the streets and fields.
Others associated themselves with him, who were sent to preach in neighboring
towns. They assumed a peculiar dress, and a sandal with a plate affixed to it,
from which they were called insabbatati or zaptati ("shoed"). They
called themselves Li Poure de Lyod ("The Poor of Lyons").Being
forbidden to preach by the Archbishop of Lyons, they disobeyed and were
excommunicated. Peter appealed to the Pope, who approved his vow of poverty and
authorized him to preach when permitted by the priests.
In 1179 they appeared before the Lateran council, submitted their
version of the Scriptures, and asked for permission to preach. Lucius III
anathematized them at the Council of Verona in 1184. At Narbonne, in 1190, they
publicly discussed in the cathedral with one Raymond of Daventry six
propositions: that they refused obedience to Pope and prelates; that all,
even laymen, may preach; that God is to be obeyed rather than man; that women
may preach; that masses, prayers, and alms for the dead are useless; that
prayer in bed or in a stable is as efficacious as in a church. They held that
the ministrations of sinful priests were invalid, and that confession to a
layman was as good as that to a priest. Their three distinctive rules of
morality were: every lie is a mortal sin; every oath, even in court, is
unlawful; homicide is never admissible, even in judicial executions or in
war. Their persecutors universally testified to their chastity, temperance,
truthfulness, and modesty. They revered the Scriptures, and had translations of
the whole Bible in the vulgar tongue.
The Albigenses
More dangerous to the church was a sect in which, for a time, the
Waldenses, by force of circumstances, were partially merged—the Cathari, or
"pure." Their doctrine grew out of the dualistic teaching of Manes,
who appeared in Persia about the middle of the third century. He taught that
the world was the product of two eternal and antagonistic principles, good and
evil. Spirit is identified with the good, matter with the evil principle. Every
individual man is at once a child of light and darkness—has a good soul and a
body substantially evil. The redemption of light from darkness is effected by Christ and by the Holy
Ghost; but as matter is essentially evil, the human Christ was only a phantom.
The morality of this system was severely ascetic, the great aim being to
destroy corporeity and to set the soul free from the fetters of matter.
Manichism appeared in Europe before the close of the third century, and
was everywhere persecuted in the Roman empire. It was especially loathsome to
the church, and the object of the active hostility of popes, bishops, and
emperors from the time of Leo the Great.
The Cathari, who sprang from the same Manichean source, originated in
eastern Europe, probably in Bulgaria, and their first traces in the West are
found in France and Flanders. Their principal seat was in southern France,
where they were known as Albigenses. The basis of their doctrinal system was
Manichean. They rejected all church machinery. The Roman Church was the
synagogue of Satan," in which salvation was impossible. The Catharan
church inherited the power to bind and loose. They translated the Scriptures,
but retained the Latin prayers. The Eucharist was replaced by the "Benediction of bread," which was performed daily at table. Every act of
eating or drinking was preceded by prayer. Confession was general, and was
performed monthly by the assembly of the faithful. The principal ceremony was
the "Consolamentum," or baptism of the Holy Spirit, which reunited
the soul to the Holy Spirit and wrought absolution from
sin. It consisted in the imposition of hands, required two ministrants,
and could be performed by a woman. Torture at the end of life relieved them of
torment in the next world, and suicide was not uncommon.
They were strictly ascetic. Matter was the work of Satan, and the
Catharan must be continually warring with the flesh. Hence whatever tended to
the reproduction of animal life was avoided. Marriage was prohibited except
among a few. Meat, milk, and eggs were forbidden. They fasted three days in the
week, and had three annual fasts of forty days each. They were mostly peasants
and mechanics; their habits were moral, and their proselytizing zeal extreme.
They appeared in France as early as 1017, and in Lombardy a little later. By
1052 their teaching had extended to Germany, and became more widely spread as
the twelfth century advanced.
Italy was deeply infected, Milan being the centre. About the middle of
the eleventh century, and during the papal attempts to enforce celibacy on the
Milanese clergy, there arose there the term "Patarins." This word was
derived from pates, which in the old Romance dialects meant "old
linen." Rag-pickers in Lombardy were known as "Patari," and the
quarter in Milan inhabited by them was named "Pataria." From their
Bulgarian origin the Patari were also known as "Bulgari," "Bugari," or "Bugres"; and from the number of weavers among
them they received in France the name of "Texerant" or "Textores." The name "Albigenses" arose from the district of
Albi, where they were numerous, and came into general use during the crusades
against Raymond
of Toulouse. In Italy the heresy offered the most stubborn resistance to
all attempts to extirpate it. The numerous subdivisions of the country and the
constant strife between the civic communities rendered any general means of
repression impossible. It pervaded all the northern half of the peninsula, and
was found as far south as Calabria.
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