THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY
BIOHISTORY
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THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY BIOHISTORY |
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THE LIFE AND TIMES OF RODRIGO BORGIA --
CHAPTER IX WAR BETWENN NAPLES AND MILAN
In 1493 King Ferrante prepared to take active measures against Ludovico
the Moor. He gave command of the army to his son, Alfonso, who, possessed of no
small military skill, was only too ready to undertake an expedition in defence
of his daughter's interests. Ferrante imagined that the war would be but a
trivial one, since its only object was to place the rightful prince upon the
throne, and he knew that the people strongly disapproved Ludovico's behavior
to his nephew, the young Duke Galeazzo. Alexander Sforza, the Duke's
half-brother, had visited Naples and assured the King that the citizens were
already ripe for revolt against Ludovico's hated rule.
But Ludovico, through his spies, managed to keep well abreast of Ferrante's plans, and made up his mind to resist them at any cost. So astute a man could not fail to realise that he had given his subjects genuine cause for complaint. Taxation and all manner of extortions, deprivation of property, banishment, insults, death, outrages, the promotion of favourites of low degree, ingratitude for service rendered, utter ruin for all whose riches excited his avarice or against whom he bore a secret grudge...all these were of constant occurrence, and caused him to be hated by all. Now, when he was about to fight in an unjust cause, Ludovico deemed it advisable to obtain help from outside. France seemed to him the most suitable source to which to appeal, for the House of Anjou had never yet renounced her claim to Naples. He therefore despatched the Count of Belgiojoso to the Court of Charles VIII to persuade the King to act as his ally. The Count fulfilled his mission with all the skill of an
accomplished courtier; he interviewed all who were likely to have any
influence over their monarch, bribing some with gold and others with promises of great possessions in
Naples. By this means he won over many of the nobles to his side, among
them Stephen de Vere, a former Chamberlain of the King's, afterwards Seneschal
of Beaucaire, and Briconnet, the financier. The
frivolous young King, secure in his shallow-pated
ignorance, airily consented to undertake the invasion of Naples, but
there was none save himself and two lesser folk who found it
good. These two lesser folk were Briconnet and de Vere, who
hoped by means of the expedition to increase their possessions. But those
who had more at heart the welfare of their King and country tried to discourage
the undertaking. Ludovico wrote a letter to Charles VIII, referring to the
friendly relations which had always existed between France and the House of
Sforza and inviting him to attempt the reconquest of Naples, which had been
illegally annexed by the House of Aragon. He
also represented that Naples was most admirably
situated for the headquarters of a campaign against the Turks, since a
fleet could easily be equipped and an army collected. Promising to support the
French with arms, money, horses, and soldiers, he conjured the King not to
refrain from an undertaking which would have the countenance of all the Princes
in Italy, to say nothing of Heaven itself. From Naples, he continued, it would
be a light matter to attack the Ottoman Empire, conquer Jerusalem, and win
everlasting fame. "All the thousands banished from their country by the
despot Ferrante cry to you for help, through you they expect to be restored
to their homes; they call to you for support with the same anguish with which
the Patriarchs in limbo once looked to Christ for deliverance. Everything
foretells victory; yu have nought to fear, either from without or within,
and, if anything deters you, remember that I will see that you are obeyed,
followed, and received by all with honor."
Charles, dull of wit, lazy, and yet boastful, began serious preparations
for his invasion of Italy, after an arrangement had been made with Ludovico
that the French army should be granted a free passage through Italy. Ludovico
further undertook to furnish him with 500 lances and to allow them to equip as
many ships at Genoa as they should find necessary; he also agreed to provide
Charles with a loan of 200,000 ducats upon his departure. On the other hand,
the French King undertook to defend the dukedom of Milan and Ludovico's
authority, to invest the town of Asti (the property of the Duke of Orleans),
with a garrison of 200 lances, which should always be in readiness to fight for
the House of Sforza, and also to bestow the princedom of Tarento upon Ludovico
after the conquest of Naples.
This compact was secretly arranged, and when the rumour of the
impending invasion spread and Ludovico was suspected of being in alliance with
the French, he feigned to be no less alarmed than the others at the prospect
of the intruders' arrival.
The claims of the House of Anjou to Naples were as ill-founded as those of the House of Aragon. Both parties deduced their rights from a gift. In order to prove the validity of this gift, it had first to be settled whether the kings of Naples held their crown as vassals of the Holy See and whether the Pope could, under certain circumstances, again lay claim to it. It was presumed that the power with which one Prince had been endowed by another might, at will, be transferred to a third, and that only the consent of the Church would be necessary to render the transference valid. If prescription of that which had been acquired by force or cunning
could legalise its possession, then the House of Anjou had certainly the first
claim to Naples, since it had governed that kingdom for almost two hundred
years. When, in 1442, Renatus was driven from Naples by Alfonso of Aragon, the
kingdom was lost to the House of Anjou, and through several successive legacies
its rights were inherited by Louis XI, who bequeathed it to his son Charles
VIII.
On the other hand, exception might be taken to the claims of Ferrante. He derived them from Manfred, the natural son of Federigo II, and they were only transmitted to him through the female line. Ferrante, moreover, was himself illegitimate, though acknowledged by his father. But the same power which invested the House of Anjou with Naples had, on a later occasion, bestowed the same kingdom upon Alfonso, Ferrante's father. The feudal power of the Papacy, to which both sides appealed, had therefore to be regarded as the final arbiter. Ferrante inherited the throne from his father Alfonso, and could consequently be regarded, de jure and de facto, as the rightful king. Charles VIII, who was anxious to beon good terms with the Florentines, sought by promises and threats to turn them from their alliance with Fcrrante. But they were reluctant to proclaim themselves definitely on his side, and their envoys, the Bishop of Arezzo and Piero Soderini, who were despatched to the French Court at Toulouse, expressed themselves so dubiously as only to excite suspicion. Through de Briconnet and the Seneschal Beaucaire, Charles sounded the ambassadors as to their intentions. The latter begged that he would not compel them to take part against Fcrrante. The ruin of their State would profit him little, they said, while Ferrante was great and powerful, and enjoyed the Pope's support, and they would be subjugated before France could help them. Charles, who regarded this statement as a mere subterfuge, became furiously angry, and commanded the removal of all Florentines from his States, as well as the confiscation of their property. Fortunately, however, he allowed himself to be dissuaded from such an extreme measure. In order to further his ends, he overwhelmed the brothers Lorenzo and Giovanni de' Medici with favors, hoping that they would overthrow Piero, who was unpopular. They themselves were much loved in Florence for their generosity and amiability, while Piero, by his pride and ambition, had aroused universal dislike. Both brothers, rendered arrogant by the King's marks of favor, openly
boasted of their power and influence, and persuaded many of the citizens to
join their party. But the gravest suspicions were aroused when d'Aubigny stayed
in Florence on his return to France and was received by them with every
demonstration of respect. Piero, under pretext that they were a danger to the
State, had them arrested; their goods were seized, and their speedy execution followed. But the Senate
began to see through Piero's ambitious plans, and
the people took up arms on Lorenzo's
behalf. Piero now pretended that he meant to overlook the offence, being
unwilling to shed the blood of a kinsman. They were, however, banished and
forbidden to come within a twenty-mile radius of Florence. Thus was Florence
divided into two factions.
Charles sent an embassy to Rome for the purpose of securing the sympathy of the new Pope, Alexander VI; but the latter replied evasively, calling his attention to the fact that Naples was a fief of the Church, and that, in the event of a quarrel about it, it was the province of Rome to decide the affair. But when Charles sent a second embassy, the Pope's attitude seemed to have changed entirely, and he had gone over to the Neapolitan side. A match had been arranged between Sancia, the illegitimate daughter of Alfonso of Calabria and Jofre, then Alexander's youngest son. The King of Naples heaped favors upon the young couple, and the Pope was thus quite drawn over to the Neapolitan party. He now gave Charles to understand that the House of Aragon had already been enfeoffed three times by the Papal See, and that, if he had no better claim to advance, the right of the Aragons to Naples could not be disputed. The other Powers, with the exception of Ercole of Ferrara, Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere (Alexander's implacable foe), and Lorenzo, son of Piero
Francesco de' Medici, now showed a strong disposition to support the Pope.
Ferrante of Naples was in high glee. "Be of good cheer", he wrote to
his envoy in France, "for perfect harmony now reigns between me and the
Pope."
But before Charles could set out on his campaign, he wanted to make sure
of the friendship, or at least of the neutrality, of the other European Powers.
His relations with Maximilian of Austria were, to
say the least, unpleasant. Not only had Charles
repudiated his betrothal to Maximilian's little daughter, Margaret, who
was ignominiously sent back to Austria, but he had added insult to injury by
marrying Anne of Brittany, the Emperor's affianced bride. Ambassadors were sent
to the King of France demanding compensation for his offence, but the affair
ended amicably, for every one was tired of war. It was arranged that Philip,
Maximilian's son, should receive the part of Artois which Charles had annexed and
which had already been made over to France as a portion of Margaret's dowry.
Comines, in his Memoirs, relates that he asked many doctors of theology
whether Anne's marriage with Charles was valid, and that some gave answer in
the affirmative, others in the negative. It seems, however, that neither this
match nor that of Margaret, who afterwards married the Prince of Castile,
turned out happily. Anne's three sons all died very young, and Margaret lost
her husband in the first year of their wedded life. Shortly after his death she
gave birth to a still-born son, "qui a mis en grande douleur les Roy et
Reyne de Castille, et tout leur Royaume."
Amicable relations had also to be established between France and
Ferdinand of Spain, who was a kinsman of the reigning House of Aragon in
Naples. Ferdinand had once borrowed 100,000 ducats from Louis XI, giving him,
as security, Roussillon and Perpignan. But when, a few years later, he was
prepared to pay back the money, Louis steadfastly refused to give up these two
provinces. As soon, however, as Charles had decided on the Italian expedition,
he sent envoys to Ferdinand announcing his readiness to restore them, and
asking nothing but his friendship in return. The transfer really took place,
and Ferdinand promised not to interfere in the affairs of the House of Aragon.
The Venetian response to Charles's request for
help and advice was unsatisfactory. They could
not undertake to support him, they said, for they always had to be on
their guard against Turkey; that it would be presumption on their part to offer
advice to so wise a King, but that they were more disposed to help than to
hinder him. With these evasive words Charles had to be content.
GREAT CAMPAIGN OF CHARLES VIII In August 1494 King Charles set out gaily, almost flippantly, on the
great campaign which was to change the face of Europe. His first stopping-place
was Lyons, where he tarried for several weeks, wasting his substance in riotous
living. Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere and the Duke of Salerno, who had escaped
from the snares of King Ferrante, hastened thither to persuade Charles to
attack Naples. His sagacity soon perceived that he must turn for help to
Stephen de Vere and Briçonnet rather than to the King. Their policy consisted
of shameless flattery and indulgence, by which means they maintained a strong
influence over the weak-minded Charles. The Duke represented the Italian
invasion and the conquest of Naples as an undertaking to which the House of
Anjou (whose claims devolved on Charles) was in honour bound. Thus the way was
smoothed for Ludovico's ambassador, Galeazzo, brother of Count Cajazzo of San
Severino, who shortly afterwards arrived. He was received by the King with the
greatest affability and brilliantly entertained. Ludovico had won over the
Genoese, who had formerly been attached to the House of Aragon. It was arranged
that the Duke of Orleans should go with a fleet of 3,000 Swiss to Genoa, while
d'Aubigny was to be sent to Milan with 200 lances and 3,000 Swiss. But the King
was undecided as to whether he should go backwards or forwards.
Comines observes that the cost of equipping the ships for Genoa was so
great as to cripple the King's monetary resources. He continues. "Car,
comme j'ai dit, il [Charles VIII] n'estoit point pourvue,
Ludovico, who was by this time extremely unpopular in Italy, did all in his power to urge the King to set out. Finally Charles prepared to start, but again wavered, and Comines was told that everything was broken off. On the same day, however, the King borrowed 500,000 ducats from a merchant in Milan, for which Ludovico had to provide security. Before this he had already borrowed 100,000 francs from the Bank of Genoa, for which he had, in four months, to pay interest amounting to 14,000 francs. Ferrante sought by negotiations to hinder Charles's advance towards Naples, and even volunteered to pay him an annual tribute. Thereby, however, he only served to confirm the King in his plan. These negotiations did not prevent Ferrante from making active preparations for war. He equipped a fleet of forty galleys and assembled a land force of 7,000. But death suddenly freed him from his embarrassments on January 25, 1494. Burchard relates that he had become unwell at his country house of Trapergola, and had therefore returned to Naples. In mounting his horse he fell down unconscious, and the next day passed away, sine luce, sine cruce, sine Deo. He was seventy-one years of age. Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, now succeeded to the throne of Naples, and
every one looked anxiously to see what attitude the Pope would adopt towards
the new King, who did everything in his power to propitiate him. Early in
February Alexander warned the French ambassadors against attacking Naples, and
also wrote a letter to Charles VIII expressing surprise that he should entertain
hostile designs against a Christian Power when a union between all European
States was necessary in order to thwart
BETROTHAL OF JOFRE BORGIA On May 7, 1494, Alfonso was crowned by the Cardinal of
Monreale, and soon afterwards was celebrated the betrothal of Sancia of Aragon
and the thirteen-year-old Jofre Borgia. Alexander exempted the new King from
the annual tribute, and in return Alfonso invested the Pope's eldest son,
Giovanni the Duke of Gandia, with the princedom of Tricaria and other crown
lands, which yielded an annual income of 12,000 ducats. Neither was Caesar
forgotten: a considerable portion of crown land was assigned to him. The
bride's dowry amounted to 200,000 ducats, and the alliance was celebrated by
the most brilliant festivities, as if they wished to forget the danger that was
threatening the country. But Alfonso was quite conscious of the gravity of the
position. He determined to undertake the command of his troops himself, and
entrusted that of the fleet to his brother Federigo.
On August 23, 1494, Charles left Vienna and advanced towards Asti. At
Suza he was met by Galeazzo San Severino, who accompanied him to Turin. The
Regent Bianca, widow of the Duke of Savoy, received him with astonishing
splendor. De la Vigne, in his Vergier d'honneur, describes the magnificence of
the display. Dazzled by the number and value of the diamonds worn by the
Duchess and her suite, Charles was unable to refrain from borrowing them, upon
which he immediately pawned them for 12,000 ducats. As Comines naively remarks: "Et pouvez voir quel commencement de guerre c'etait, si Dieu n'eut
guide l'oeuvre."
In Chien Charles stayed for several days, enjoying himself in his own
fashion. Dramas of doubtful morality were performed in his honor, but the
chief attraction seems to have been the charms of a certain Anna Solari (De la
Vigne and Ségur).
Asti was the appointed meeting-place, and Ludovico Sforza, Ercole of
Ferrara, and Giuliano della Rovere were there to greet the French King. Ludovico was accompanied by
his wife Beatrice and fifty beautiful Italian ladies, who, moreover, were not
troubled with many scruples of morality. The King's weak brain was dazzled by
the loveliness of these women, who were adorned in the richest manner and by no
means sought to conceal their charms. They made their entry into the town in
six carriages covered with gold cloth and red velvet and drawn by
six-and-twenty horses. Charles, who had at first been inclined to harbour
suspicions of Ludovico, changed his opinion in two days, for he was quite
overwhelmed by the splendour of his reception.
King Alfonso had despatched two armies towards Charles. The one, led by
his son and Virginio Orsini, was opposed by the tried and trusty d'Aubigny, a
Scotchman by birth, and distinguished both for his bravery and his generalship.
The other, which had embarked with the idea of conquering Genoa, was commanded
by Federigo, Alfonso's brother. With the help of Flisco (Fiesco) and several
disaffected Genoese, Federigo hoped to have little difficulty in effecting his
object. But, unfortunately for his plans, Louis of Orleans appeared at the
crucial moment and drove back his troops. The cannon which the French had
installed on their vessels, and which, up to that time, had not been used in
Italy, contributed greatly to the victory. A great galley belonging to Comines,
and furnished with heavy artillery, was seriously damaged. The Swiss, under the
leadership of the Bailiff of Dijon, advanced towards the Neapolitans, who fled
before them. Many prisoners were taken, but they received no further injury
than after the Italian custom, being stripped to their shirts and then set
free. Among them was Fregoso, a natural son of Paul Fregoso,
Cardinal-Archbishop and former Doge of Genoa.
The Swiss guards, who took the war seriously,
however, plundered Rapallo and killed many of the inhabitants; but when
they brought their booty to be sold at Genoa, the Italians rose in revolt and
several Swiss were slain. Order was restored by Adorno, who held the reins of
government.
SUCCESS OF LOUIS AT GENOA While Charles was at Asti he received news of the success of Louis of
Orleans at Genoa. The outlook seemed promising when the King was taken
dangerously ill with a disease which, though called small-pox, was probably
the result of his dissolute habits. He got better, however, and continued his
way to Casale, the capital of Montferrat. Here he was heartily welcomed by the
Margravine, and he did not neglect the opportunity of borrowing her jewels with
the intention of pawning them in Genoa.
Chance favored Charles in a surprising way. Don Ferrantino, at the head
of the second division of the forces of his father, Alfonso, had advanced with
his men as far as Ferrara, and was burning with anxiety to fight d'Aubigny. But
his men lacked cohesion, being made up of soldiers from different Italian
States who were, again, under the command of their own leaders; moreover, the
news of the French victory at Rapallo had discouraged the Italians. Although
they exceeded the French in number, a council of war decided that it would be
indiscreet to venture upon a battle. Orsini, in particular, was opposed to the
idea of fighting, although Pescara and Trivulzio were of a different opinion.
Subsequent events proved that d'Aubigny was right in supposing that
Ferrantino's troops would soon be disbanded if left alone. The Colonna, who had
always been rivals of the Orsini, declared themselves on the side of the
French, seized upon Ostia, and summoned Charles to take possession of that
important harbor.
The Pope thereupon withdrew the troops which he had sent to Ferrantino's
help, while d'Aubigny was reinforced with fresh men. The favourable moment
was gone; but Ferrantino would not yield, for he still reckoned on the
support of the Princes of Romagna. Mordano, near Imola, a strong
fortress, resisted, but the French stormed the town with incredible fury. The
garrison, men, women and children, were all massacred, and when d'Aubigny entered
he found nothing but the corpses of the inhabitants. Don Ferrantino then
withdrew to Rome.
While at Casale Charles gave audience to Constantine Arianites,
claimant to the crowns of Servia and Macedonia. He assured the King that
European Turkey, weary of Bajazet's tyranny, was now ripe for rebellion.
Ludovico, too, had approached Charles at Asti, and had, with much eloquence,
expounded the same theory. "Quand vous me voudrez croire", he said,
"je vous aiderai a vous faire plus grand que ne fut jamais Charlemagne,
et chasserons ce Turc, hors de cet empire de Constantinople aisement, quand
vous aurez ce Royaume de Naples".
DEATH OF GALEAZZO Charles, who from the outset had cherished remarkable dreams of
covering himself with glory by crushing the Turkish power, was encouraged and
strengthened in his childish schemes by these words. He now proceeded to Pavia,
where the luckless Gian Galeazzo, Ludovico's ill-treated nephew, was
languishing in captivity. Ludovico was greatly alarmed when he heard that the
King desired to speak with his cousin (the mothers of Charles and Galeazzo were
sisters, Princesses of the House of Savoy), for he feared that the chivalrous
instincts of France might be aroused at the sight of the unhappy Prince. The
latter was only about twenty-five years old, but he had been a prisoner for ten
years. His chief pleasure lay in the affection of his wife Isabella and his
little son, for whom he pathetically entreated the French King's protection.
Galeazzo's physician, Theodore of Pavia, was present at the interview, and
Charles gathered,from his behavior, that his patient
was suffering from the effects of a slow poison. As Comines says, he would
willingly have warned him, "mais il ne vouloit deplaire en rien au dit
Ludovic". At a certain moment a secret door opened and the young Duchess,
clad in deep mourning, entered. She threw herself at the King's feet, imploring
him to protect her husband and pardon her father; but Charles, though affected,
answered that it was now too late to help her.
The poor young wife, with her little children, shut herself up like a
prisoner in a room into which the light could not penetrate, and lay for a long
time upon the hard ground. Her rival, the gay Beatrice d'Este, could now for a
short time enjoy her triumph.
Ludovico, now more than ever anxious to win the King's favor, provided
him with gold and weapons and tried to urge him forward. Charles soon left
Pavia for Piacenza, but no sooner had he arrived there than news reached him of
Galeazzo's death. This event caused him considerable remorse, for he was
conscious of having done nothing to improve his fortunes. He was also
mistrustful of Ludovico, who hastened to Milan to make arrangements for the
coronation of Galeazzo's little son. Meanwhile Charles had the obsequies of his
cousin celebrated in the most lavish and magnificent manner, inviting the whole
of Piacenza to take part in them.
From Asti Comines was sent with letters of recommendation from the Duke
of Milan to his ambassador in Venice. He received a monthly salary of 100
ducats, together with a beautiful dwelling and three gondolas. The Venetian
envoy in Milan was treated with equal consideration, only, as Comines
ingenuously remarks, there no gondolas were placed at his disposal, because in
Milan it was customary to use horses. He journeyed
through Brescia, Verona, Vicenza, and Padua, and was everywhere received with the greatest respect, and worthily
entertained. Everything was arranged for him, but, alas! no one thought of
paying the minstrels and tambourine players, so that the poor Comines was not
much the gainer.
As Comines approached Venice he was received by twenty-five nobles
richly clad in red silk. They escorted him to the Church of St. Andrew, where
the other nobles and the ambassadors from Milan and Ferrara were already
assembled. Afterwards he was taken on board a luxuriously equipped boat, much
larger than an ordinary gondola and capable of holding about forty people. To
Comines was given the place of honor between the two envoys, and away they
went down the Grand Canal, "the most beautiful street in the world".
He was greatly impressed by the splendor and beauty of the houses which they
passed, many of them decorated with marble and precious stones. It was the
richest town that he had ever seen, and, as he remarks, the best governed.
Escorted by fifty nobles, Comines visited the Cloister of the Black
Monks of San Giorgio, where an apartment was assigned to him. The next day he
appeared before the Signor and delivered his credentials to the Council, which
was assembled under the presidency of the Doge. The latter (Barbarigo) is
described as a gentle, wise, and amiable old man, with a wide understanding of
Italian affairs. His palace was very beautiful, and contained four large and
richly gilded halls of marble, though the court itself was small. From it
Comines could hear mass being sung at St. Mark's, the richest Cathedral in the
world, full of marvellous treasures and precious stones.
EMBARRASSMENT OF THE FRENCH For eight months Comines stayed in Venice, enjoying himself at the
public expense. He has nothing but praise for the good management and sagacity
of
It was not long before the deference which the Italians had, at first,
accorded the French, diminished, for their rapacity and unseemly conduct were
making them universally unpopular. The French now found themselves in
considerable embarrassment. Their treasury was completely exhausted, and
Briçonnet advised a return to France. But this would have been no easy matter.
At the same time the King was assured by the brothers Medici, and others, that
Florence was waiting open-armed to receive him. Ludovico, too, was ready with
promises of help. Nevertheless Charles, in order to continue the march, was
obliged to raise 150,000 gold ducats upon his crown lands, and the clergy
advanced 15,000 on the understanding that the freedom of the Gallican Church
should be granted in Rome. While these transactions were going on, Pope
Alexander sent a message to Charles forbidding him to set foot in the papal
province. But the King replied that he had long since taken a vow to make a
pilgrimage to the Apostle Peter at Rome, and that he must fulfill it even at the
risk of his life.
This command of the Pope only served to rouse the French spirit, and it
was now merely a question as to which route the army should take. Venice, to
the north-east, was neutral; the Pope had finally decided to oppose the French; in Florence opinion was divided—the citizens were prepared to welcome Charles and were confirmed in their views by Savonarola's predictions
that a scourge should chastise Italy. Piero de' Medici, on the other hand, was
in league with Naples. It was finally decided to take the rough and stormy
route of the Via de Pontremoli, rather than the shorter and more convenient one
through Bologna and Rimini. They would thus avoid Prince Ferrantino of Naples,
who had been sent by Alfonso to hold the Romagna. The Duke of Montpensier had
orders to move towards Pontremoli with the vanguard, while Charles soon
followed with the remaining troops.
When the French reached the Florentine fortress of Tivizzano, the garrison opposed them with decision. But the Marquis of Malaspina, who knew the neighborhood well, offered himself as guide and disclosed the weakest point in the fortress. After a vigorous attack, the Duke of Montpensier and his troop gained an entrance and slew the whole garrison with great slaughter. Little was gained, however, by this cruelty, for the French progress was checked by the impregnable fortresses of Sarzana and Pietra Santa. Both these places, on their steep heights, needed only to keep their gates shut to render further advance impossible. The French were thus placed in an awkward plight, for to besiege the fortresses would have been extremely risky, owing to the difficulty of obtaining provisions in that sterile district. People were justified in thinking that Ludovico had enticed Charles into a trap. The situation was saved by the discord just then prevailing in Florence.
Piero dc' Medici, hated for his extortions and misrule, thought to escape from
the atmosphere of distrust which surrounded him by imploring the protection of
Charles. He was evidently influenced by the example of his father Lorenzo, who,
under similar circumstances, had appealed to the Neapolitan Court. But
Piero was cast in a less heroic mould; he lacked both courage and skill to carry through
his enterprise, and only succeeded in getting permanently banished from
Florence.
PIERO DE' MEDICI IN BANISHMENT From Empoli Piero despatched the following letter to the Government:
"I will not try to justify my hasty departure, for I think it no
wrong to adopt a measure which, in my humble opinion, is not only calculated to
restore peace to my native town, but is also attended with less difficulty and
danger for the State and its inhabitants (myself alone excepted) than any
other. I have decided to go in person to his Most Christian Majesty in the hope
of mitigating the displeasure which the town has been obliged to cause him by
fulfilling her contracts with other States. For, it seems to me that this is
the only respect in which the King desires a change. As I have been hitherto
regarded as the cause of his ill-will, I will either justify my conduct or at
least attract his revenge to my person rather than to the State. My family has
already often set the example of such a sacrifice, but I hold myself under a
deeper obligation than any of my forefathers, because I, more than any of them,
have been honoured beyond my merits. The less I deserve the distinctions which
have fallen to my share, the more I consider myself bound to carry out my
present plan. Neither difficulty nor expense, nay, not even life itself, do I
esteem; but I would willingly sacrifice myself for each of you in particular,
much more for the whole Republic. On this occasion I shall probably give you a
proof of my sincerity, for I shall either return with good news for you and the
Republic, or I shall surrender my life in the attempt to serve you. By the love
and loyalty which you owe to the ashes of my father, the great Lorenzo, and by
the kindness you have ever displayed towards me, I conjure you to remember me
in your prayers. Also, if it be the will of Providence that I should not return
to you, I commend to your care my brothers and children. Tomorrow I set out on
my journey from here.
From Empoli Piero proceeded to Pisa, whence he sent a message to the
Neapolitan envoy in Florence to the effect that, though his devotion to the
House of Aragon never failed, he lacked friends, money, and credit to continue
a war in which he had been involved through friendship for the royal House of
Naples.
On October 30 Piero arrived at Pietra-Santa, where he heard that Orsini,
who had been sent to reinforce Sarzana, had been attacked and defeated by
Montpensier, a circumstance of trifling importance considering the strength of
the two fortresses. But Piero was afraid to enter the camp of Sarzana without a
letter of recommendation from the French King. Briçonnet and de Piennes were
despatched to meet him, but when Piero arrived at the camp he completely lost
his head, and knelt, cowed and discomfited, before the King, whose reception
of him was cool and a trifle contemptuous. The French demands were by no means
modest, but Piero agreed meekly to all that was proposed. Sarzana,
Pietra-Santa, Librafratta, Pisa, and Livorno were to be surrendered until the
conquest of Naples should be completed, and Florence was to be the pledge of
reconciliation. Comines tells us that the French were highly amused and
astonished that Piero should concede so much more than they had ever expected.
EMBASSY TO CHARLES The Florentines were furious when they heard of Piero's irresponsible folly. "It was time'', said Piero Capponi, in the Council of November I, "to shake off this baby government". They sent an embassy of five citizens, headed by Savonarola, to Charles, hoping to obtain some amelioration of the hard conditions. But neither their representations nor the threats and predictions of Savonarola could move the King. From the demeanour of the envoys Piero could see how greatly the Florentines were offended by his action. He therefore begged his kinsman Paolo Orsini, the commander of the Florentine army, to follow him to Florence with as large a troop as he could muster. On November 9 he presented himself,with a considerable retinue, at the Town Hall, intending to summon a general parliament and take the ;government into his own hands, but his entry was prevented by Corsini, Nerli, and others, who hurled the most bitter reproaches at his head. Piero, disconcerted, retired to his palace, and, arming himself and his servants, begged Orsini to defend him from his enemies. But the whole of Florence was in rebellion. Everywhere sounded the cry, "Liberty! liberty! down with the Balls!". Even the sight of Piero's brother, the popular Cardinal de' Medici, produced no effect upon the excited crowd. The very street-boys assailed Piero with stones and hisses; the tumult became& more and more violent, until he saw that all hope was gone, and that nothing remained but the memories of the family. The magnificent works of art collected by Lorenzo in the garden of San Marco, which had been for the Florentines a kind of Art Academy, were all stolen or destroyed. Even the very trees which he had planted were demolished. Charles VIII, meanwhile, was moving onwards. From
Sarzana he went to Pisa by way of Lucca, where
he refused to see Cardinal Piccolomini, who had
been sent by the Pope to try to make terms with him. On November 9
Charles entered Pisa, where the citizens hailed him as their deliverer. They had suffered oppression
from the Florentines for no less than eighty years, and consequently hated them
with a deadly hatred. A mighty throng advanced to meet the French King,
entreating him to relieve their city from the yoke of Florence.
A certain Rabot, Councillor of the Dauphine Parliament, advised Charles
to grant the request of this ill-treated people. The King, who certainly had no
power to bestow freedom upon the Pisans, nevertheless obligingly promised them
his protection. Rabot, amid many demonstrations of joy, communicated his
answer to the people. In their excitement they hastened to the Arno Bridge,
where stood the statue of a colossal lion erected in token of the Florentine
supremacy; this they threw down and raised in its place an image of the King,
who, sword in hand, was mounted on a horse which trampled with its hoof the
overthrown lion.
On the same day were banished the Florentine authorities, who were only
saved from actual ill-treatment out of respect for Charles. The King's untimely
complaisance was to result in a bloody strife, which disturbed the peace of
Italy for many a weary year.
D'Aubigny was meanwhile gaining important successes in the Romagna. He
had taken several fortresses and compelled the bold Catherine Sforza, widow of
the late governor of Imola and Forli, to renounce her alliance with the Pope.
He then advanced to Faenza with the object of attacking Ferrantino, but the
latter was so much terrified at this proceeding that he beat a hasty retreat to
Cesena. There he received news of the surrender of Sarzana and the Florentine
rebellion. No longer feeling safe, he marched towards Rome, but his obvious
alarm had weakened confidence in his power to such an extent that serious
resistance seemed improbable.
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