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THE LIFE OF SALADIN AND THE FALL OF THE KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM
CHAPTER IX.
THE CONQUEST OF SIRIA.
1174-1176.
THE news of the death of Nur-al-Din fell like
a thunderbolt among the Saracens. It was wholly unforeseen. On the 6th of May,
1174, he was out riding with one of his courtiers, discoursing in his
philosophic way upon the uncertainty of human life: on the 15th he was carried
off, in his fifty-sixth year, by a contemptible quinsy. No sovereign since Malik Shah had been so revered.
To his
subjects he was a model of all virtue, the embodiment of Moslem piety, “a second
Omar ibn Asad-al-Aziz”, as
religious, just, and clement a king as ever ruled. Even the Crusaders bore
witness to his chivalrous character, and William of Tyre admits that, in spite
of his race and creed, “Noradinus was a just prince,
wise, and religious”, though a great oppressor of Christians. Justice was the
quality he valued next to—indeed as a part of—godliness. He would himself
appear in the Qady’s court to answer the process of a
subject, and he insisted on no favor being shown to his rank. He remitted all
customs, dues and tithes throughout his dominions, and lived simply and
frugally on his private means, without touching the public revenue.
When his wife complained
of her poverty, and disdained his offer of three shops at Emesa,
belonging to his estate, and worth about twenty gold pieces a-year, he rebuked
her: “I have nothing more, for all the rest I hold only in trust for the
people”. In pursuance of that trust he built citadels for their defense, and
founded many colleges, convents, hospitals, and caravanserais, for their
spiritual and bodily welfare. No man delighted more in the conversation of the
learned and devout. None was more diligent in the observance of the minutest
rules of his religion. There was a holy calm in the grave but gentle eyes,
which relieved the massive brow and ennobled the swarthy, almost beardless,
face. He possessed the dignity and serenity of the true Eastern gentleman; in
his presence there was silence and stillness .
Nur-al-Din’s greatness consists rather in his
just and able administration than in his victorious campaigns. Yet he was a
bold and fearless warrior, a splendid horseman, ready to expose himself in the
front of every battle; and he organized his feudal levies very carefully, made
the soldiers’ fiefs hereditary, and kept a strict register of the men and arms
that each of his vassals was bound to furnish at his demand. But his power of
conquest was restricted at the very outset by the division of his father Zengy’s dominions, and the jealousy of his elder brother of
Mosul. He had to build up a kingdom, and secure it from attack both on east and
west, before he could attempt larger schemes; and to this Jerusalem owed its
temporary safety. His early wars with the Crusaders had been little more than
forays; and after he had taken Damascus (1154) and reduced the rest of inland
Syria, his attention was chiefly occupied with Egypt; as a rule he only
skirmished with the Franks, and kept them at arm’s length. He had indeed taken Harenc and Banias, and in the north
he had made his power felt as far as Marash. At the
time of his death, however, he was preparing for greater efforts. He had
overrun Mesopotamia on his brother’s death in 1170, and though he left the
brother’s son in nominal authority at Mosul, all Jezira and Diyar-Bekr were really under the sway of
Damascus. Relieved from any menace from this quarter, and strengthened by the
widened area for recruiting his army, he was gathering forces to reduce Saladin
to more becoming humility when the hand of death arrested his plans. Whether he
would have succeeded, and whether after deposing Saladin he would have led a
united Egyptian and Syrian army against the Franks and expelled them from the
Holy Land, are merely speculative questions; but the Christians, we may
believe, had less to fear from the cautious policy of Nur-Al-Din
than from the zeal of his great successor.
Upon Nur-al-Din’s death, Saladin became the
most powerful ruler between Baghdad and Carthage. Es-Salih Ismail, the heir of the late King, was a child of eleven years, a luckless
shuttlecock between rival guardians. The dominions of the descendants of Zengy in Mesopotamia were cut up among jealous factions.
The knell of the Latin Kingdom tolled in July, when the Franks lost Amalric, and Raymond of Tripolis became regent over Baldwin, the afflicted heir, a boy of thirteen, and a leper.
Two children with cliques of envious counselors formed no very formidable
obstacles to the progress of a determined ruler, backed by a powerful and
seasoned army.
1174] Factions in Syria
Mere personal ambition
would have led most men in Saladin's position to take advantage of the weakness
of his neighbors, but to ascribe any such conscious motive to him would be to
misread his character. Unless he could persuade himself that the general
interests of the Saracens, and especially of the Moslem faith, required his
intervention, he would hesitate to aggrandize his power at the expense of one
whose sister was his own wife and whose father had once been his lord and benefactor.
The state of Syria left him no alternative, unless he were content to look on
whilst the kingdom laboriously built up by Zengy and
his son fell piecemeal to rival, or even to the infidels. Disunion and anarchy
prevailed; the young King's cousin of Mosul threw off his allegiance and even
annexed Edessa and other dependencies of Syria: the emir who had charge of
Aleppo was at enmity with those who surrounded the boy sovereign at Damascus;
many of the great vassals made themselves independent; Islam in Syria had no
leader, and if the Franks had not been in a similar case they might have done
what they pleased with the fragments of Zengy’s realm.
In these straits, Saladin, as the chief among the officers of the late
King, naturally came forward with advice and proffers of assistance, which
might almost be interpreted as commands, despite the respectful terms in which
they were couched. He sent an ambassador to the young King with assurance of
his loyalty, and ordered the name of “es-Salih, son of Nur-al-Din”, to be
recited in the prayer and engraved upon the money of Egypt. He wrote to the
lords of Damascus to upbraid them with their jealousies :
“If Nur-al-Din”, he said, “had thought any one
of you capable of taking my place or of being trusted as he trusted me, he
would have appointed him to the government of Egypt, the most important of all
his possessions. If death had not prevented him, he would have bequeathed to
none but me the guardianship and bringing up of his son. I perceive that to my
hurt you have arrogated to yourselves the care of my Master, the son of my
Master. Assuredly I will come to do him homage and repay the benefits of his
father by service which shall be remembered for ever; and I shall deal with
each of you according to his work, [especially] the abandoning of the defense
of the King's dominions”.
Not only had the council of Damascus sat tamely still whilst the
Mesopotamia prince was filching cities; they even purchased with gold the
goodwill of the Franks, to Saladin’s fierce contempt. They were indeed equally
afraid of their neighbors on either hand, Ssyf-al-Din
of Mosul and Saladin of Cairo, and to protect themselves from both they had
made terms with the “infidels”, as their predecessor Amr had done in the days of Zengy.
But when in August the child-King was removed to Aleppo, a more imminent
danger threatened them. The vigorous captain of Nur-al-Din’s
veterans, who ruled Aleppo and now assumed the guardianship of the King, was
prepared to trample on all rivals, and would certainly begin at Damascus. In
this emergency they appealed to the King of Mosul to come to their aid; and
when he refused, they invited Saladin. He waited for no second bidding, but,
taking only seven hundred picked horsemen, rode straight across the desert for
Damascus, trusting to his luck to bring him safe through the Frank borders.
He came out of the waste untouched, and, entering the ancient city amid
general acclamations, rested at his father’s old house, until the citadel also
opened its gates to him, on the 27th of November. Then he installed himself in
the castle and received the homage and salutations of the citizens, winning
general applause by a liberal distribution from es-Salih's royal treasury. All
this he did as the agent of the youthful King, whose mameluke he still professed himself to be, and whose sovereignty was formally attested
by prayers and coinage.
Saladin. [1174
Leaving his brother Tughtigin, surnamed the "Sword of Islam", as governor of Damascus, Saladin instantly pressed
forward to reduce other cities which belonged to Nur-al-Din’s
kingdom, but were now practically independent. It was the depth of winter, and
the cold and snow were severe on the highlands; but his business brooked no
delay. Traversing the beautiful Bikaa, the wooded
valley of the Litany river, on the 9th of December he victoriously entered the
opulent city of Emesa, where Aurelian once made
sacrifice to the gods for his victory over Zenobia;
and then, masking its castle, which was too strong to be taken by assault,
descended the fertile valley of the Orontes to the land of lush fields and
water-wheels, to Hamah,— the same Epiphania where the
heroic queen of Palmyra lost her throne and liberty. The city opened its gates,
and the citadel presently surrendered, on Saladin’s oath that he came as the
viceroy and servant of es-Salih.
Then he passed on to Aleppo, to the famous "Grey Castle" towering on
its round hill above the plain, "a very bride for beauty", which held
within its strong walls his nominal sovereign. The Governor and Vizier Gumushtigin had no mind to abdicate his authority to so
dangerous a visitor, and prudently shut the gates in his face. Saladin opened a
siege on the 30th of December, on the plea that he had come to rescue his liege-lord
from evil counselors; but es-Salih,
as much afraid of his deliverer as he was distrustful of his governor, came out
of the palace, and riding amongst the people threw himself on their mercy. The
child made so moving an appeal to the crowd, entreating them, with the tears
running down his cheeks, not to deliver him up to this fierce invader who had
stolen his heritage, that their hearts were touched; they redoubled their
efforts, and their vigorous and repeated sorties made the invader pause.
1175] Attempt of
the Assassins
The energy of the defense, joined to a new and disquieting danger,
decided Saladin to abandon the siege. Gumushtigin,
the vizier, resolved to leave no stone unturned to escape falling into the
hands of the Egyptians, sought help from the Sheykh Sinan, the so-called “Old Man of the Mountain”,
Grand-master of the Assassins of Syria. This redoubtable secret society, partly
religious, still more political, had spread abroad from its cradle at the
castle of Alamut in the mountains on the south of the
Caspian Sea. Its corps of fidawis, or
emissaries, trained to murder as a fine art, had used their daggers to some
purpose in the wars which had tormented Syria, and the Society had been
rewarded by the gradual acquisition of nine forts among the Ansariya Mountains, forming an almost impregnable chain of fortresses from Valenie (taken in 1125), on the coast, to Masyaf inland. These “Assassins”—Hashshashin or smokers of hashish (their name among the vulgar), more properly Ismailis, or Batinis, “Esoterics”—had taken firm root in Syria at the time of
Saladin’s invasion, and were the terror of the country. Nur-
al-Din had vainly attempted to subdue them, and had gained nothing by his
endeavor except the unpleasant discovery of a warning pinned to his pillow by a
poisoned dagger. In Egypt they had supported the lost cause of the Fatimids, from whose sect they were derived, and they
probably had a share in instigating Omar’s conspiracy. The Master was therefore
willing enough to assist the vizier of Aleppo by sending his fanatics to murder
Saladin in his camp. They gained admission without difficulty, but were
detected just in time. One of the wretches was cut down by Tughril,
the lord chamberlain, at the very tent of Saladin, and the rest made a
desperate defense before they were overpowered and slain.
This narrow escape may well have deterred him from incurring further
risks. He was threatened from other quarters, moreover: the King of Mosul was
raising troops to defend his cousin of Aleppo; and the Franks had already cut
the road to Saladin's base at Damascus. Raymond, Count of Tripolis,
had been for many years a captive of Nur-al-Din at
Aleppo, and after his release on ransom (which was not paid) had become regent
of the Latin Kingdom during the minority of Baldwin IV. The vizier of Aleppo,
hard pressed by Saladin, appealed to the Count for assistance, and Raymond saw
advantages, political and pecuniary, in helping the beleaguered city against
the new aggressor. He therefore made a diversion, marching upon Emesa, which was still masked and blockaded by part of
Saladin’s army. The governor seems to
have had some negotiations with Raymond, involving, as usual, solid cash.
Cheered by this golden hope, the Christians opened the attack on the 1st of
February, 1175, and had the satisfaction of succeeding in their main object —
of raising the siege of Aleppo; for Saladin was heard of next day. He had
already reached Hamah, and was taking up a strong position near the great stone
bridge over the Orontes, where lies the village of Arethusa (al-Rashtan). The Franks immediately deserted the famous city,
which once gave birth to Julia Domna and taught the
child Elagabalus those Syrian rites which he afterwards brought as Emperor to Rome.
Saladin entered Emesa, and reduced the citadel, after
a stubborn resistance, in the middle of March. At the end of the month he
occupied Baalbek. He was now master of all Nur-ed-din's Syrian kingdom, except the districts immediately
depending on Aleppo.
1175] The Horns
of Hamah.
These successes finally roused Sayf-al-Din Ghazy II, the Atabeg of Mosul,
who, as head of the descendants of his grandfather Zengy,
regarded Syria and Mesopotamia in the light of a family estate. As a member of
the family he had felt no scruple in taking advantage of his cousin's youth and
annexing his Mesopotamian possessions; but it was another matter when an
upstart, who had no drop of Zengy's blood, ventured
to usurp the family prerogatives. Sayf-al-Din
accordingly mustered a large army and despatched it
to Aleppo, where its arrival was anxiously expected. The combined forces
marched against the common enemy, and found him near Hamah. Though he had
recently been reinforced by the arrival of a contingent from Egypt, Saladin was
evidently outnumbered; for he made overtures for an accommodation, even
offering to abandon all his conquests north of the province of Damascus. The
enemy, however, would listen to no terms, and roughly told him to retire to
Egypt. Driven to an issue at arms, he took up a position by the gorge of the
Orontes, on the hills called the Horns of Hamah, where a superior position made
up for disparity in numbers. On the 13th of April, 1175, the troops of Mosul
and Aleppo marched to the attack, confident in their strength; but taken at a
disadvantage and caught in a ravine between the tried veterans of Damascus and
Cairo, they were cut to pieces, and the battle ended in a shameful rout.
Saladin pursued the fugitives to the gates of Aleppo, and es-Salih’s advisers were compelled to agree to a truce, whereby each side retained the
territory it then possessed. By this agreement Saladin remained the undisputed
master, not only of the provinces of Damascus, Emesa,
and Hamah, but even of the towns of Kafar Tab, Barin, and Maarra, not far from
Aleppo itself.
Now, for the first time, Saladin asserted his independence, proclaimed
himself King, and suppressed the name of es-Salih in the prayer and coinage. This year he was prayed
for in all the mosques of Syria and Egypt as sovereign lord, and he issued at
the Cairo mint gold coins in his own name: “al-Melik en-Nasir Yusuf ibn Ayyub, ala ghaya”. “The King
Strong to Aid. Joseph son of Job; exalted be the Standard!” So far as his
words prove, he had done his best to convince the young King at Aleppo that he
was ready to serve him loyally, though he had made it clear enough that he
would allow no rivals near the throne. Es-Salih naturally perceived that such nominal service meant real mastery, and would
have nothing to do with him. Positively repulsed in every overture of
conciliation, Saladin felt himself absolved from further fealty, and in the
circumstances there was no reason why he should not take to himself the dignity
of King. His assumption of royal prerogatives received the gracious sanction of
the Caliph of Baghdad, who sent him the customary diploma and robes of
investiture as King of Egypt and Syria; they reached him at Hamah, where he was
organizing his new possessions, in May, 1175.
1176] Battle of
Tell-es-Sultan.
Administrative duties and the mustering of troops occupied the rest of
the year, and nothing of any moment happened until the following spring. But
the contest between the houses of Zengy and Ayyub was not ended by Saladin’s victory at the Horns of
Hamah. Both sides were actively gathering strength for a fresh struggle. Seyf-al-Din was levying troops among the minor states of Diyar-Bekr and Jezira, with
which, in the spring of 1176, he was able to cross the Euphrates at Bira. His army numbered 6000 men, and was further
reinforced when he picked up es-Salih’s contingent at
Aleppo. Saladin, who left Cairo with only 700 horsemen, had by this time
brought up his forces from Egypt to join the troops of Damascus.
As he crossed the Orontes on the 11th of April, 1176, to meet the
approaching storm, the sun was eclipsed, the earth was in darkness, and the
stars shone clear in the midday sky. Despite this omen, he continued his march,
but he had not advanced far beyond Hamah when the sinister import of the eclipse
was revealed, for he narrowly escaped a serious disaster. Seyf-ed-din came up unexpectedly whilst Saladin's men were
dispersed at the Turkman's Wells (Jibab et-Turkman) watering their horses. Had he attacked at
once, the result must have been a victory; but he hesitated, and when he took
the field next morning, Thursday 22nd April, he found Saladin ready for him
near the Little Caravanserai on the “Mound of the Sultan”, fifteen miles from
Aleppo. A bloody hand to hand fight ensued. The lord of Irbil overthrew
Saladin's left wing, and was driving it before him, when the King himself
charged at the head of his guard and turned the fortune of the day. A sudden
panic seized upon the enemy, and every man ran for his life. Most of the Atabeg's officers were killed or taken prisoners, and Seyf-ed-din with difficulty made
his escape from the field. The camp and horses, baggage, tents, and stores, all
fell into the conqueror's hands.
Saladin showed himself worthy of victory. He treated his prisoners
generously, set them free, and sent many of them away with gifts. The wounded,
especially, owed their lives to his care, and many were eager to enter his
service. As for the rich booty of the enemy's camp, he gave it all to the army,
and kept not a thing for himself. In this he displayed alike the instincts of a
generous nature and the foresight of a statesman. He bound both his own troops
and the enemy's to him with ties of gratitude and personal devotion. The
prisoners he had freed, some of whom were men of rank and influence, went back
to their homes by the Great River full of his praises, extolling his clemency
and great heartedness, and prepared to be his willing subjects. His own men,
flushed with triumph and enriched with spoil, were ready to follow him anywhere.
1176] Second
Attempt of the Assassins.
After a few days' halt before Aleppo, which still closed its gates, he
led them on whilst their blood was hot. A day's march brought them to Buzaa, which they took; next day they stormed Manbij; then they turned west to the strong fortress of Azaz, which cost them thirty-eight days' siege and heavy
losses, and nearly sacrificed Saladin's life. The leaguer began on the 15th of
May, and on the 22nd Saladin was resting in the tent of one of his captains,
when a fanatic rushed in upon him and struck at his head with a knife. The cap
of mail which the King wore under his tarbusk saved him for the moment, and he gripped the assassin's hands; but, seated as
he was, he could not prevent his going on stabbing at his throat. The dagger
slashed the collar of his gambeson, but the rings of the armour kept it out of his neck. All this was the work of an instant, and in another, Bazkush had grasped the knife and held it, though it sawed
his fingers, until at last the desperado was killed, with the knife still
clenched in his hand. Another cut-throat followed, and fell dead; and yet a
third; but the guard was now on the alert. Saladin mounted and rode to
head-quarters in panic fear, scarcely realizing that he was alive. The sudden
assault of the secret assassin had terrors which he never felt on the
battlefield, and this second attempt by the agents of the “Sheykh of the Mountain” unnerved him. It was found that the three desperados had
contrived to be enrolled in the bodyguard itself: Saladin hastened to change
it, and searched the ranks for suspicious faces; but the emissaries of Sinan had the art to assume every disguise and elude all
precautions, and there could be no real sense of security until their master
was either crushed or propitiated.
Convinced that Gumushtigin was at the bottom
of this dastardly attempt, Saladin redoubled his assaults against Azaz, and at last on the 21st of June the fortress
capitulated. Then he hurried to Aleppo, to punish the plotter, and on the 25th
began his third siege of the Grey Castle. His attacks were resisted as before,
but sooner than risk being starved out, the garrison consented to treat. A
general agreement was arranged (29 July) between the young King of Aleppo, the
neighboring Artukid (=Ortukid)
princes of Keyfa and Mardin (who had throughout supported him), and Saladin, by which he was finally
recognized as sovereign over all the dominions he had conquered, and the four
signatories bound themselves solemnly by an oath of mutual alliance.
When the treaty was concluded, there came to Saladin a young girl, the
little sister of es-Salih.
He received her with honor, and asked her "What is thy wish?"
"The Castle of Azaz", she said. So he
restored the castle to its old owners, loaded the princess with presents, and
escorted her back to the gate of Aleppo at the head of his staff. The great
Constable Humphrey of Toron had cause to be proud of
his Knight.
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