I
THEODORIC'S ANCESTORS
Towards the end of the second century of the
Christian Era a great confederacy of Teutonic nations occupied those vast
plains in the south of Russia which are now, and have been for more than a
thousand years, the homes of Slavonic peoples. These nations were the
Ostrogoths, the Visigoths, and the Gepidæ. Approximately we may say that the
Ostrogoths (or East Goths) dwelt from the Don to the Dnieper, the Visigoths (or
West Goths) from the Dnieper to the Pruth, and the
Gepidæ to the north of both, in the district which has since been known as
Little Russia. These three nations were, as has been said, Teutons, and they
belonged to that division of the Teutonic race which is called Low-German man;
that is to say, that they were more nearly allied to the Frisians, the Dutch,
and to our own Saxon forefathers than they were to the ancestors of the modern
Swabian, Bavarian, and Austrian. They worshipped Odin and Thunnor;
they wrote the scanty records of their race in Runic characters; they were
probably chiefly a pastoral folk, but may have begun to practice agriculture in
the rich corn-lands of the Ukraine. They were essentially a monarchic people,
following their kings, whom they believed to be sprung from the seed of gods,
loyally to the field, and shedding their blood with readiness at their command;
but their monarchy was of the early Teutonic type, always more or less limited
by the deliberations of the great armed assembly of the nation, which (in some
tribes at least) was called the Folc-mote or the Folc-thing; and there were no strict rules of hereditary
succession, the crown being elective but limited in practice to the members of
one ruling and heaven-descended family.
This family, sprung from the seed of gods,
but ruling by the popular will over the Ostrogothic people, was known as the
family of the Amals. It is true that the divine and exclusive prerogatives of
the family have been somewhat magnified by the minstrels who sang in the courts
of their descendants, for there are manifest traces of kings ruling over the
Ostrogothic people, who are not included in the Amal genealogy. Still, as far
as we can peer through the obscurity of the early history of the people, we may
safely say that there was no other family of higher position than the Amals,
and that gradually all that consciousness of national life and determination to
cherish national unity, which among the Germanic peoples was inseparably
connected with the institution of royalty, centred round the race of the divine Amala.
The following is the pedigree of this royal
clan, as given by the historian of the Goths (Jordanes),
and with those epithets which the secretary of Theodoric (Cassiodorus)attached
to the names of some of the ancestors of his lord. (The names of those who wore
the crown are marked in italics.)
These fifteen generations, which should
carry back the Amal ancestry four hundred and fifty years, or almost precisely
to the Christian Era, seem to have marked the utmost limit to which the memory
of the Gothic heralds, aided by the songs of the Gothic minstrels, could reach.
The forms of many of the names, the initial "Wala"
and "Theude", the terminal "wulf", "mir", and
"mund" will be at once recognized as purely
Teutonic, recalling many similar names in the royal lines of the Franks, the
Visigoths and the Vandals, and the West Saxons.
In the great, loosely knit confederacy which
has been described as filling the regions of Southern Russia in the third and
fourth centuries of our Era, the predominant power seems to have been held by
the Ostrogothic nation. In the third century, when a succession of weak
ephemeral emperors ruled and all but ruined the Roman State, the Goths swarmed
forth in their myriads, both by sea and land, to ravage the coast of the Euxine
and the Ægean, to cross the passes of the Balkans, to
make their desolating presence felt at Ephesus and at Athens. Two great
Emperors of Illyrian origin, Claudius and Aurelian, succeeded, at a fearful
cost of life, in repelling the invasion and driving back the human torrent. But
it was impossible to recover from the barbarians Trajan's province of Dacia,
which they had overrun, and the Emperors wisely compromised the dispute by
abandoning to the Goths and their allies all the territory north of the Danube.
This abandoned province was chiefly occupied by the Visigoths, the Western members
of the confederacy, who for the century from 275 to 375 were the neighbors,
generally the allies, by fitful impulses the enemies, of Rome. With Constantine
the Great especially the Visigoths came powerfully in contact, first as
invaders and then as allies (fœderati) bound to
furnish a certain number of auxiliaries to serve under the eagles of the
Empire.
Meanwhile the Ostrogoths, with their faces
turned for the time northward instead of southward, were battling daily with
the nations of Finnish or Slavonic stock that dwelt by the upper waters of the
Dnieper, the Don, and the Volga, and were extending their dominion over the
greater part of what we now call Russia-in-Europe. The lord of this wide but
most loosely compacted kingdom, in the middle of the fourth century, was a
certain Hermanric, whom his flatterers, with some slight knowledge of the names
held in highest repute among their Southern neighbors, likened to Alexander the
Great for the magnitude of his conquests. However shadowy some of these conquests
may appear in the light of modern criticism, there can be little doubt that the
Visigoths owned his over-lordship, and that when Constantius and Julian were reigning in Constantinople, the greatest name over a wide
extent of territory north of the Black Sea was that of Hermanric the Ostrogoth.
When this warrior was in extreme old age, a
terrible disaster befell his nation and himself. It was probably about the year
374 that a horde of Asiatic savages made their appearance in the south-eastern
corner of his dominions, having, so it is said, crossed the Sea of Azof in its shallowest part by a ford. These men rode upon
little ponies of great speed and endurance, each of which seemed to be
incorporated with its rider, so perfect was the understanding between the
horseman, who spent his days and nights in the saddle, and the steed which he
bestrode. Little black restless eyes gleamed beneath their low foreheads and
matted hair; no beard or whisker adorned their uncouth yellow faces; the Turanian type in its ugliest form was displayed by these
Mongolian sons of the wilderness. They bore a name destined to be of disastrous
and yet also indirectly of most beneficent import in the history of the world;
for these are the true shatterers of the Roman
Empire. They were the terrible Huns.
Before the impact of this new and strange
enemy the Empire of Hermanric--an Empire which rested probably rather on the
reputation of warlike prowess than on any great inherent strength, military or
political--went down with a terrible crash. Dissimilar as are the times and the
circumstances, we are reminded of the collapse of the military systems of
Austria and Prussia under the onset of the ragged Jacobins of France, shivering
and shoeless, but full of demonic energy, when we read of the humiliating
discomfiture of this stately Ostrogothic monarchy--doubtless possessing an
ordered hierarchy of nobles, free warriors, and slaves--by the squalid,
hard-faring and, so to say, democratic savages from Asia.
The death of Hermanric, which was evidently
due to the Hunnish victory, is assigned by the Gothic historian to a cause less
humiliating to the national vanity. The king of the Rosomones,
"a perfidious nation", had taken the opportunity of the appearance of
the savage invaders to renounce his allegiance, perhaps to desert his master
treacherously on the field of battle. The enraged Hermanric, unable to vent his
fury on the king himself, caused his wife, Swanhilda,
to be torn asunder by wild horses to whom she was tied by the hands and feet.
Her brothers, Sarus and Ammius,
avenged her cruel death by a spear-thrust, which wounded the aged monarch, but
did not kill him outright. Then came the crisis of the invasion of the Huns
under their King Balamber. The Visigoths, who had
some cause of complaint against Hermanric, left him to fight his battle without
their aid; and the old king, in sore pain with his wound and deeply mortified
by the incursion of the Huns, breathed out his life in the one hundred and
tenth year of his age. All of which is probably a judicious veiling of the fact
(mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus),
that the great Hermanric was defeated by the Hunnish invaders, and in his
despair laid violent hands on himself.
The huge and savage horde rolled on over the
wide plains of Russia. The Ostrogothic resistance was at an end; and soon the
invaders were on the banks of the Dniester threatening the kindred nation of
the Visigoths. Athanaric, "Judge" (as he was called) of the
Visigoths, a brave, old soldier, but not a very skilful general, was soon out-manœuvred by these wild nomads from the desert, who crossed
the rivers by unexpected fords, and by rapid night-marches turned the flank of
his most carefully chosen positions. The line of the Dniester was abandoned;
the line of the Pruth was lost. It was plain that the
Visigoths, like their Eastern brethren, if they remained in the land, must bow
their heads beneath the Hunnish yoke. To avoid so degrading a necessity, and if
they must lose their independence, to lose it to the stately Emperors of Rome
rather than to the chief of a filthy Tartar horde, the great majority of the
Visigothic nation flocked southward through the region which is now called
Wallachia, and, standing on the northern shore of the Danube, prayed for
admission within the province of Mœsia and the Empire
of Rome. In 376 an evil hour for himself Valens, the then reigning Emperor of
the East, granted this petition and received into his dominions the Visigothic
fugitives, a great and warlike nation, without taking any proper precautions,
on the one hand, that they should be disarmed, on the other, that they should
be supplied with food for their present necessities and enabled for the future
to become peaceful cultivators of the soil. The inevitable result followed. Before
many months had elapsed the Visigoths were in arms against the Empire, and
under the leadership of their hereditary chiefs were wandering up and down
through the provinces of Mœsia and Thrace, wresting
from the terror-stricken provincials not only the food which the parsimony of
Valens had failed to supply them with, but the treasures which centuries of
peace had stored up in villa and unwalled town. In
378 they achieved a brilliant, and perhaps unexpected, triumph, defeating a
large army commanded by the Roman Emperor Valens in person, in a pitched battle
near Adrianople. Valens himself perished on the field of battle, and his
unburied corpse disappeared among the embers of a Thracian hut which had been
set fire to by the barbarians. That fatal day (August 9, 378) was admitted to
be more disastrous for Rome than any which had befallen her since the terrible
defeat of Cannæ, and from it we may fitly date the
beginning of that long process of dissolution, lasting, in a certain sense,
more than a thousand years, which we call the Fall of the Roman Empire.
In this long tragedy the part of chief actor
fell, during the first act, to the Visigothic nation. With their doings we have
here no special concern. It is enough to say that for one generation they remained
in the lands south of the Danube, first warring against Rome, then, by the wise
policy of their conqueror, Theodosius, incorporated in her armies under the
title of fœderati and serving her in the main with
zeal and fidelity. In 395 a Visigothic chief, Alaric by name, of the
god-descended seed of Balthæ, was raised upon the
shield by the warriors of his tribe and hailed as their king. His elevation
seems to have been understood as a defiance to the Empire and a re-assertion of
the old national freedom which had prevailed on the other side of the Danube.
At any rate the rest of his life was spent either in hostility to the Empire or
in a pretence of friendship almost more menacing than hostility. He began by
invading Greece and penetrated far south into the Peloponnesus. He then took up
a position in the province of Illyricum--probably in the countries now known as
Bosnia and Servia--from which he could threaten the
Eastern or Western Empire at pleasure. Finally, with the beginning of the fifth
century after Christ, he descended into Italy, and though at first successful
only in ravage, in the second invasion he penetrated to the very heart of the
Empire. His three sieges of Rome, ending in the awful event of the capture and
sack of the Eternal City in 410, are events in the history of the world with
which every student is familiar. Only it may be remarked that the word awful,
which is here used designedly, is not meant to imply that the loss of life was
unusually large or the cruelty of the captors outrageous; in both respects
Alaric and his Goths would compare favorably with some generals and some armies
making much higher pretensions to civilization. Nor is it meant that the
destruction of the public buildings of the city was extensive. There can be
little doubt that Paris, on the day after the suppression of the
"Commune" in 1871, presented a far greater appearance of desolation
and ruin than Rome in 410, when she lay trembling in the hand of Alaric. But
the bare fact that Rome herself, the Roma Æterna, the
Roma Invicta of a thousand coins of a hundred
Emperors,--Rome, whose name for centuries on the shores of the Mediterranean
had been synonymous with worldwide dominion,--should herself be taken, sacked, dishonored
by the presence of a flaxen-haired barbarian conqueror from the North, was one
of those events apparently so contrary to the very course of Nature itself,
that the nations which heard the tidings, many of them old and bitter enemies
of Rome, now her subjects and her friends, held their breath with awe at the
terrible recital.
Alaric died shortly after his sack of Rome,
and after a few years of aimless fighting his nation quitted Italy,
disappearing over the north-western Alpine boundary to win for themselves new
settlements by the banks of the Garonne and the Ebro. Their leader was that
Ataulfus whose truly statesmanlike reflections on the unwisdom of destroying the Roman Empire and the necessity of incorporating the
barbarians with its polity have been already quoted. There, in the south-western
corner of Gaul and the northern regions of Spain, we must for the present leave
the Western branch of the great Gothic nationality, while our narrative returns
to its Eastern representatives.
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