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BOOK II.
REFORMATION IN FRANCE SCOTLAND.
CHAPTER I.
THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND
SCOTLAND
1540-60.
The Reformation movement, and the difficulties which
it raised in the politics of every kingdom, gave rise to complications in
France and Scotland of which Elizabeth took advantage to secure her own
position. So long as a religious war did not break out in England itself, Elizabeth
could use the difficulties of neighboring States for her own purposes. So long
as England remained united enough to make foreign interference difficult,
Elizabeth could balance parties, and help insurgents in the kingdoms of her
opponents.
In France the conflict of religious opinions
threatened to become serious, much more serious than it had been in Germany. Luther's Reformation was
conservative in principle. He wished to alter as little as possible of the
belief and practice of the old Church. While aiming at the removal
of abuses, he was anxious to preserve the old framework. But in France the
Reformers were not so much engaged in removing the abuses of the old state of
things as in endeavoring to discover for themselves a new system of life, by
which each man might realize more entirely his own relationship to God. Hence
the German Reformers did not awake such fierce opposition as did the Protestants
in France. In Germany the Reformation only demanded a few modifications of the
existing political system; in France it called for an entire change of national
life. The principles on which French Protestantism was founded had far deeper
root in the mind and character of the individual than had the teaching of
Luther and Melanchthon. But here, as in all other things, the deeper principles
had to meet with the more bitter antagonism.
Protestantism in France had made considerable progress
under Francis I, as the king himself, and his sister Margaret, queen of
Navarre, were both in favor of some reforms. But when Francis failed
in his political undertakings against Charles V, the intolerant spirit of his
people was too strong for him to resist. The theologians of the College of Sorbonne,
in the University of Paris, declared themselves violently for the old Church,
and the popular opinion of the capital was on their side. Francis I, though
allied with the Protestant princes of Germany, and with the Turks abroad, was
driven to persecute at home. Under Henry II persecution was still
more vigorously carried on, and the Protestant teachers were obliged to flee
from France. Some of the chief of them took refuge at Geneva, a city in the
dominions of the Duke of Savoy, among a French-speaking people.
Geneva was in a state of political confusion. Its municipality
claimed the right to regulate its internal affairs; but its bishop
wished to assert his power over it, and the Duke of Savoy also
desired t0 bring it int0 subjection. The citizens were opposed to the duke
and bishop, and the ideas of the Reformers gave them a ground on which to rest
their opposition. Protestantism first came to Geneva through the
German-speaking towns of the Swiss confederates, where Luther’s opinions had
largely spread. But the French refugees were more in accordance with the spirit
of the people, and Geneva became the centre of French Protestantism. Jean
Chauvin, better known as John Calvin, a native of Picardy, acquired a great influence
over the affairs of the city. Once he was driven away by his enemies, but in
1541 he returned, and from that time Geneva was the centre of his teaching.
Calvinism aimed at completely establishing the connection of man with God by
means of its doctrine of predestination, according to which the Church
consisted solely of those who had been from the beginning predestined to salvation.
Starting from this conception, Calvin organized the most rigorous church
discipline, and enforced it by means of the government of the city. The
greatest moral strictness was exacted, and Geneva, entirely under Calvin’s influence,
became a model for all Protestant States.
The example of Geneva naturally told most powerfully
upon France. The Protestants increased Calvinism in numbers in spite of the
persecutions, and in France the wretched condition of the government under Henry
II gave them still greater weight. The king abandoned everything to his
favorites, who urged on the persecution as a means of gaining money for
themselves. Ecclesiastical offices were given away as rewards for services done
to the king, and men who had been pliant courtiers one day were seen
officiating as bishops on the next. In this state of things morality was
entirely on the side of the Protestants. They grew in numbers, so that in 1558
they were reckoned at 400,000, and each congregation organized itself on the
principles which Calvin had laid down at Geneva.
Henry II was alarmed at this spread of Protestantism,
and a desire to have his hands more free to attack it is said to have been one
of the reasons which made him ready to conclude the peace of Cateau Cambresis with Philip II
(April 2, 1559). He published severer edicts against Protestantism, and was
suspected of a plan to help the Duke of Savoy to conquer Geneva, when he was
accidentally killed at a tournament (July 26, 1559), and a change came over the
government of France.
Power of the Guises
Francis II, who succeeded his father, was a boy of the
age of sixteen, who, at the very beginning of his reign,
gave up all his power to the bitterest of the enemy of the
Protestants, Charles Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine. He was one of
the six sons of Claude, Duke of Guise, who had been one of the bravest generals
of Francis I. These six sons were to play a most important part in French
history. All of them were full of vigour and energy, all of them were staunch,
we may say fanatical, Catholics, and lost no opportunity of carrying out their
convictions. Francis Duke of Guise, the elder brother of the cardinal, had
already made himself a name in France by the capture of Calais. James V of
Scotland had married the cardinal’s sister, and Mary of Scotland was his niece.
It was through her marriage to Francis II that the Cardinal of Lorraine had
gained his great influence with the king. He was, moreover, justly popular with
the people, a man of commanding presence, great affability, ready eloquence,
unblemished moral character, unwearied zeal in discharging the duties of his
archbishopric, and a high reputation for sanctity. Now that he had power in his
hands, he set three main objects before himself, the suppression of
Protestantism, hostility to England, and the establishment of the power of his
own family.
Thus it was by the Cardinal’s advice that Francis II
and Mary assumed at once the title and arms of England. Mary’s claims were to
be asserted against Elizabeth; Protestantism was to be crushed in England as
well as in France, and the influence of the Guises was to be supreme in both
countries.
Elizabeth knew that Philip would lend no help to carry
out such plans as these; but the Pope was likely to combine in their favor all
staunch Catholics who were ready to move at the papal command. It was through
Scotland that the blow against England would first be struck. Elizabeth’s plan
was to avoid it by helping the discontented in France and Scotland alike, so as
to employ the cardinal’s energies at home.
We have seen the condition of France. Scotland was
equally inflammable on the question of religion, while the power of the crown
was much less than in State of France. The Scottish nobles were at the head of
powerful clans, and the continual border warfare with England had kept alive
their military spirit. The king, on the other hand, had but small revenues, and
no army at his command. Hence, to obtain greater power, the Crown had allied
itself with the Church, and had been willing to enrich the clergy as a means of
diminishing the importance of the nobles. The Scottish Church was wealthy and
corrupt, and when Henry VIII of England endeavored to prevail on James V of Scotland
to join with him in his reforming plans, the Scottish clergy in alarm bought
off the king’s compliance, and stirred him up to the war with England which
cost him his life (1542). But the suppression of the monasteries and confiscation
of church property in England had wrought a great impression in Scotland, and
the clergy felt themselves insecure. Persecution awoke the most bitter
passions, and the burning of George Wishart, one of
the most popular of the reforming preachers, brought a terrible punishment on
the persecutor. Cardinal Beaton, the primate, was murdered in the castle of St
Andrews (1546), and for fourteen months the castle was held against the regent.
The policy, however of England towards Scotland, and the disastrous battle of
Pinkie (1547), compelled the Scots to look to France for help, and so
strengthened the Catholic party. French troops were brought in greater numbers
to Scotland, and in 1554 the queen-mother, Mary of Lorraine, sister of the
Cardinal of Lorraine, was made regent.
The Scots, however, were soon impatient of French
influence over them, and disliked the foreigners whom the regent put in power.
They felt that though it might be useful for them to play off the French
against the English so as to secure their independence, still if they were to
be dependent on one or the other, the English were more nearly related to them
than the French. On one side was an alliance with France and Catholicism; on
the other side an alliance with England and Protestantism.
Here, as in Geneva, national feeling united with religious
conviction, and Protestantism became the symbol of antagonism to the French
dominion. In 1557 a powerful political party was formed of those who were in
favor of ecclesiastical reform. It was a party which came together with different
objects. Some were in favor of Protestant doctrines; some hoped for a share of
church lands; some wished to raise a party against French influence. But all
combined to sign a bond, in accordance with an old Scottish practice, pledging
themselves to work together for a common purpose. This bond is known as the
First Covenant, and those who signed it agreed to demand that the
English Book of Common Prayer be used in the churches, and that Protestant
preaching be allowed.
John Knox.
For a while nothing definite was done; but in 1558 the
burning of an old preacher, Walter Mill, at St. Andrews, aroused the Lords of
the Congregation, as the signers of the Covenant now called themselves.
They presented their demands to the regent, and some time was spent in useless
discussion. But the hands of the Reformers were strengthened by Elizabeth’s
accession in England, and on May 2, 1559, the leading spirit of the Scottish
Reformation, John Knox, returned to Scotland.
Knox had been born near Haddington in the year 1505. He had had a good education, and had taken up Protestantism
with the fire and fervor of a severe and stern nature. He was one of those who
held the castle of St. Andrews after the murder of Cardinal Beaton, and on its
capture had been sent as a prisoner to serve in the French galleys. After
nineteen months of suffering, which only intensified the depth and narrowness
of his convictions, he succeeded in escaping. For a while he lived in England,
under Edward VI, but fled before Mary’s persecution, first to Frankfort, and
afterwards to Geneva, where he published a fierce attack upon Mary, called the “Monstrous
Regiment of Women”. There he joined Calvin, and learned from him the principles
which he afterwards labored to enforce. It was Knox’s influence which turned
the Scottish Reformation from following in the steps of the English movement,
and impressed upon it the more rigid and severe form which had been thought out
by Calvin. Knox came back to Scotland profoundly convinced of the truth of his
own convictions, and determined to carry them out at any hazard. He was keen,
shrewd, and clear-sighted, a man not likely to put himself or his opinions at
the mercy of political contingencies, but determined to use politics for his
own purposes. Those who joined him to gain their own ends found that he was
more than their match. Utterly fearless, never giving way for an instant, not
to be deterred by threats or won over by fair promises, he went upon his own
course. He was convinced that to put down popery was his highest duty, and no
feelings of sympathy for others, no restraints of decorum, no compassion for
human weakness, was allowed to stand in his way. Hard, cold, and austere, yet
with a grim humor and a rare power of clear and ready eloquence, he was the
terror of those in power and the constant favorite of the people.
Knox's influence was soon felt in the course of
affairs. In May 1559 the regent, stirred to action by the Cardinal of Lorraine,
summoned the reformed clergy to Stirling. They came, but surrounded by so many
followers, that the regent was afraid, and promised that if they would
disperse she would proceed no further. They agreed; but scarcely were they gone
before Mary caused the preachers to be tried and condemned in their absence. Knox’s
anger broke out in a fierce sermon against idolatry, preached at Perth. The
people of the town rose and destroyed the images in the churches, and tore down
all architectural ornaments which contained sculpture. The example of Perth was
followed elsewhere, and the churches of Scotland were soon robbed of their old
beauty. From this time we must date the decay of the fine ecclesiastical buildings
of Scotland, whose ruins still bear witness to their former splendor. They were
not of course destroyed at once; but they were stripped bare and left to molder
unheeded. The stern spirit of the Scottish Reformation would not consent to
offer the new simple worship, of which men’s consciences approved, in the old
buildings which had been profaned by idolatrous rites.
The Lords of the Congregation were now in open rebellion
against the regent, and war was on the point of breaking out. It was, however,
averted for a time by the mediation of a few moderate men, amongst whom was
Lord James Stewart, an illegitimate son of the late king, known in later
history as the Earl of Murray. Both parties agreed to lay down their arms, and
submit their disputes to a meeting of the Estates of the Realm, while the
regent promised not to molest the people of Perth, or garrison the town with
French soldiers. She kept the letter only of her promise; for she hired native
troops with French money, and proceeded to punish the people of Perth. This
perfidy gave strength to the Congregation. They again took up arms, seized
Edinburgh, summoned a parliament, and deposed the regent (October 1559).
This was a bold step; but without help from England it
could not be maintained. As the regent was strong in French troops, the
Congregation must ally withEngland. Elizabeth
wished to help them; but her course was by no means clear. To
ally with rebels fighting against their lawful sovereign was a bad example
for one in Elizabeth’s position to set. She herself
had many enemies abroad who were willing enough to
interfere in the affairs of England, and many of her subjects recognized her as
queen only by virtue of her legal title, which they would be willing enough to set
aside. Elizabeth’s ministers were less cautious than herself; but Cecil’s political
wisdom was never allowed to act till Elizabeth had provided for her own position
in case of failure.
At last, in January 1560, a treaty was made at Berwick
between Elizabeth and the Duke of Chatelherault, the
second person in the Scottish realm. Elizabeth undertook to aid the Scottish lords
in expelling the French, but would only aid them so long as they acknowledged
their queen.
And now a strange change had come over Scotland The
Scots were fighting side by side with the English against their old allies
the French. Already their religious feelings had overcome their old
national animosities; or rather, religion itself had become a powerful
element in their national spirit. The war, however, was for awhile indecisive.
The French troops held the fortress of Leith, and,
though blockaded by an English fleet, still managed to repulse the attacks of
their assailants. It was doubtful whether Elizabeth would be prevailed upon to
send troops enough to secure success for the Scottish lords.
a.d. 1560. Troubles in France.
But
meanwhile affairs in France took a direction favorable to
the Reformers. The Cardinal of Lorraine had offended the nobles by his
exclusion of them from State affairs, and by his endeavors to secure
all the power for his kinsmen. France was deeply in debt, and there were
many murmurs against the oppressive taxes which were levied solely to further
the family interests of the Guises in securing their hold on Scotland. To these
grievances was added the disaffection of the Protestants. The combined result
of all these causes of discontent was a plan to seize the young king at
Amboise, deprive the Guises of their power, and entrust the management of
affairs to the next princes of the blood, the Prince of Condé and the King of
Navarre. The king, it was urged, was only sixteen, and ought to be delivered
from evil counselors. The plan was badly carried out, and entirely failed. The
hastily gathered troops who hurried to Amboise were easily repelled (March,
1560). They were called Huguenots, meaning apparently a crowd hastily
gathering. From this time the name passed on to the French Protestants in
general.
But though this attempt failed, it showed the cardinal
how great were the dangers he had to face. The
French troops were needed at home, and could no longer be spared
for Scotland. The withdrawal of the French made peace necessary in
Scotland, and by the treaty of Edinburgh (July
1560), it was provided that henceforth no foreigners
should be employed in Scotland without the consent of the estates of the
realm. Elizabeth’s policy was rewarded by a condition that Mary and
Francis II should acknowledge her queen of England, lay aside their own pretensions,
and no longer wear the British arms. Before the treaty was signed the
queen-regent died (June 20), and with her the power of France and the Guises in
Scotland was gone for the present.
The Congregation was now triumphant, and the work of
Reformation was quickly carried on. A meeting of the Estates approved of the
Geneva Confession of Faith, abjured the authority of the Pope, and
forbade the administration, or presence at the administration of the mass, on
pain of death for the third offence (August 25,1560).
Meanwhile the Guises were powerless to prevent this.
In France the Huguenots demanded toleration, and their demand had been
supported by Admiral Coligny. Cardinal Guise was preparing for more vigorous
measures, when his plans were cut short by the death of the young king, at the
age of seventeen (December 4, 1560). He was succeeded by his brother, Charles
IX, a boy of ten, about whose minority there could be no doubt. The
queen-mother, Catherine de' Medici, was recognized as regent, and the princes
of the blood were called back again to the council. France was divided by
factions, each striving for power. Catherine was a Florentine, who had been
ill-treated by her husband and neglected by her
son, who hated the Guises, and would shrink from nothing which
would help her to get power into her own hands. Now that she had obtained a
position in the State it seemed as though she were determined to avenge her
former seclusion, and satisfy her pent-up greed for power. Next to her was
Antony, king of Navarre, an honest, well-meaning, genial man, who strongly favored
Protestantism. Against both of these were the Guises, with a strong party of
zealous Catholics, wishing for an opportunity to carry out their plans.
France was on the eve of the outbreak of a war in
which the passions of parties and factions were strangely mingled with
religious feelings. England and Scotland had nothing more to fear from that
side for some time to come. The plans of the Guises were no longer to be
carried on in Scotland and England by armed interference, but by the political
craft and cunning of their niece, Mary of Scotland, who had been trained under
their influence.
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