FRANCIS I AND HIS ZEAL FOR RELIGION
UNFORTUNATELY
for the reputation of Francis I among his contemporaries, his conduct at this
juncture appeared a perfect contrast to that of his rival, as he laid hold on
the opportunity afforded him, by the emperor’s having turned his whole force
against the common enemy of Christendom, to revive his pretensions in Italy,
and to plunge Europe into a new war.
The treaty of Cambray, as has been
observed, did not remove the causes of enmity between the two contending
princes; it covered up, but did not extinguish the flames of discord. Francis
in particular, who waited with impatience for a proper occasion of recovering
the reputation as well as the territories which he had lost, continued to carry
on his negotiations in different courts against the emperor, taking the utmost
pains to heighten the jealousy which many princes entertained of his power or
designs, and to inspire the rest with the same suspicion and fear: among
others, he applied to Francis Sforza, who, though indebted to Charles for the
possession of the duchy of Milan, had received it on such hard conditions, as
rendered him not only a vassal of the empire, but a tributary dependant upon
the emperor.
The honor of having married the emperor’s niece did not reconcile
him to this ignominious state of subjection, which became so intolerable even
to Sforza, though a weak and poor-spirited prince, that he listened with
eagerness to the first proposals Francis made of rescuing him from the yoke.
These proposals were conveyed to him by Maraviglia, or Merveille, as he is
called by the French historians, a Milanese gentleman residing at Paris; and
soon after, in order to carry on the negotiation with greater advantage,
Merveille was sent to Milan, on pretence of visiting his relations, but with
secret credentials from Francis as his envoy. In this character he was received
by Sforza. But, notwithstanding his care to keep that circumstance concealed,
Charles suspecting, or having received information of it, remonstrated and
threatened in such a high tone, that the duke and his ministers, equally
intimidated, gave the world immediately a most infamous proof of their servile
fear of offending the emperor. As Merveille had neither the prudence nor the
temper which the function wherein he was employed required, they artfully
decoyed him into a quarrel, in which he happened to kill his antagonist, one of
the duke’s domestics, and having instantly seized him, they ordered him to be
tried for that crime, and to be beheaded [Dec. 1533]. Francis, no less
astonished at this violation of a character held sacred among the most
uncivilized nations than enraged at the insult offered to the dignity of his
crown, threatened Sforza with the effects of his indignation, and complained to
the emperor, whom he considered as the real author of that unexampled outrage.
But receiving no satisfaction from either, he appealed to all the princes of
Europe, and thought himself now entitled to take vengeance for an injury, which
it would have been, indecent and pusillanimous to let pass with impunity.
Being
thus furnished with a pretext for beginning a war, on which he had already
resolved, he multiplied his efforts in order to draw in other princes to take
part in the quarrel. But all his measures for this purpose were disconcerted by
unforeseen events. After having sacrificed the honor of the royal family of
France by the marriage of his son with Catherine of Medici, in order to gain
Clement the death of that pontiff had deprived him of all the advantages which
he expected to derive from his friendship. Paul, his successor, though attached
by inclination to the Imperial interest, seemed determined to maintain the
neutrality suitable to his character as the common father of the contending
princes.
The king of England, occupied with domestic cares and projects,
declined, for once, engaging in the affairs of the continent, and refused to
assist Francis, unless he would imitate his example, in throwing off the papal
supremacy. These disappointments led him to solicit, with greater earnestness,
the aid of the protestant princes associated by the league of Smalkalde. That
he might the more easily acquire their confidence, he endeavored to accommodate
himself to their predominant passion, zeal for their religious tenets. He
affected a wonderful moderation with regard to the points in dispute; he
permitted Bellay, his envoy in Germany, to explain his sentiments concerning
some of the most important articles, in terms not far different from those used
by the protestants: he even condescended to invite Melanchthon, whose gentle
manners and pacific spirit distinguished him among the reformers, to visit
Paris, that by his assistance he might concert the most proper measures for
reconciling the contending sects which so unhappily divided the church. These
concessions must be considered rather as arts of policy, than the result of
conviction; for whatever impression the new opinions in religion had made on
his sisters, the queen of Navarre and duchess of Ferrara, the gayety of Francis’s
own temper, and his love of pleasure, allowed him little leisure to examine
theological controversies.
But
soon after he lost all the fruits of this disingenuous artifice, by a step very
inconsistent with his declarations to the German princes. This step, however,
the prejudices of the age, and the religious sentiments of his own subjects,
rendered it necessary for him to take. His close union with the king of
England, an excommunicated heretic; his frequent negotiations with the German
protestants; but above all, his giving public audience to an envoy from sultan
Solyman, had excited violent suspicions concerning the sincerity of his
attachment to religion.
To have attacked the emperor, who, on all occasions,
made high pretensions to zeal in defence of the catholic faith, and at the very
juncture when he was preparing for his expedition against Barbarossa, which was
then considered as a pious enterprise, could not have failed to confirm such unfavorable
sentiments with regard to Francis, and called on him to vindicate himself by
some extraordinary demonstration of his reverence for the established doctrines
of the church. The indiscreet zeal of some of his subjects, who had imbibed the
protestant opinions, furnished him with such an occasion as he desired. They
had affixed to the gates of the Louvre, and other public places, papers
containing indecent reflections on the doctrines and rites of the popish
church. Six of the persons concerned in this rash action were discovered and seized.
The king, in order to avert the judgments which it was supposed their
blasphemies might draw down upon the nation, appointed a solemn procession.
The
holy sacrament was carried through the city in great pomp; Francis walked
uncovered before it, bearing a torch in his hand; the princes of the blood
supported the canopy over it; the nobles marched in order behind. In the
presence of this numerous assembly, the king, accustomed to express himself on
every subject in strong and animated language, declared, that if one of his
hands were infected with heresy, he would cut it off with the other, and would
not spare even his own children, if found guilty of that crime. As a dreadful
proof of his being in earnest, the six unhappy persons were publicly burnt
before the procession was finished, with circumstances of the most shocking
barbarity attending their execution.
THE FRENCH BACK IN ITALY