THE great European conflict which gives its name to
the present volume of our History had a complicated origin, an unprecedented
range, and far-reaching consequences. The story of its origin reaches back into
a period dealt with in an earlier division of this work -- whether the Thirty
Years’ War be regarded, in the airy phrase uttered on a memorable occasion by
Lord Beaconsfield, as “a war of succession for a duchy near
Schleswig-Holstein”, or as the inevitable result of deep rooted religious
differences not to be settled by ambiguous parchment compromises, or as the
outburst of the storm brewed by militant Calvinism, or finally as the
opportunity cautiously prepared and still more cautiously allowed to mature by
the far-sighted statesmanship of France. After the War had broken out, not in
the west but in an eastern borderland of the Empire, it gradually absorbed into
itself all the local wars of Europe. The quarrels of the Alpine leagues and
those about the Mantuan succession, the rivalries of the Scandinavian north and
of the Polish north-east, the struggle, only temporarily suspended, of the
United Provinces against Spain, the perennial strife between Spain and France
for predominance in Italy and elsewhere all contributed to the sweep of the
current. Even the Ottoman Empire was concerned in its progress; for the
“Turco-Calvinistic” combination announced by the pamphleteers was by no means a
mere hallucination. “All the wars that are on foot in Europe”, wrote Gustavus
Adolphus to Axel Oxenstierna in 1628, “have been fused together, and have
become a single war”.
There was one exception which the Swedish King did not
live to witness - the great English Civil War, which ran its course side by
side with the last years of the Continental conflict, without at any point
intersecting it. In the later years of the reign of her first Stewart King,
England might have decisively influenced the great issues of European politics;
but James I missed the chance of harmonizing the interests of his dynasty with
the religious sympathies of the nation; and the opportunity was, however
anxiously he desired it, never recovered by the unfortunate Charles I. Thus the
history of England, with that of Scotland and Ireland, ran its course apart.
The vicissitudes of the Continental conflict here
narrated were so many and so tremendous as constantly to transform the designs
of the belligerent Powers, and often to modify materially the purposes of the
personages most actively concerned in the course of affairs. It thus frequently
becomes difficult to judge the chief actors on the scene with either
consistency or equity. Leibniz (in a passage of his celebrated memorandum
proposing a French expedition to Egypt) points out how the Habsburg Emperors
Ferdinand II and Ferdinand III, at first merely intent on the defence of their
own dominions, and then upon the pursuit of their assailants, were afterwards
against their own will, as foe joined foe, drawn into “progressus ulteriores”
till their unexpected successes combined with the fact of their Spanish kinship
to bring into the field against them not only Protestant Kings and Princes, but
well-nigh the whole of Europe. The designs of Gustavus Adolphus, definitely
restricted at the outset, were progressively expanded, and, before they were
stopped by death, had ceased to be fettered even by his long-standing compact
with France. The schemes of Wallenstein, and even those of Bernard of Weimar,
were similarly subject to almost continuous change.
The effects of the great European war call for no less
attentive a study. The settlement of the Peace of Westphalia remained for more
than a century and a half the norm of the international relations of the
European States, and governed the status
Imperii and that of its members; but the consequences of the War itself for
Germany remained perceptible long after that settlement had been revised and
recast, and even after the new German Empire of our own times had been
established. In 1880, when Prince Bismarck was at the height of his power, the
German Ambassador in London, Prince Hatzfeldt, as Lord Fitzmaurice relates,
told Lord Granville that “Germany had not yet recovered from the effects of the
Thirty and the Seven Years’ Wars; and that a determination to prevent the
recurrence of similar disasters ought still to be the keynote of German
policy”. The temporary ascendancy of Sweden in northern Europe, gained by her
sword and by it to be maintained or jeopardized; the enduring control over the
political life of Western Europe at large, and even over parts of the Empire
itself, secured to the French monarchy by the far-sighted policy of Richelieu,
and of his disciple Mazarin; the slow but sure decay of Spain; the transfer of
colonial power from her and Portugal to the United Provinces and England; the
extraordinary prosperity of those Provinces and the consequent jealousy between
them and their only Protestant rival; finally the downfall of the political
influence of the Papacy, and the beginnings of a new era of religious thought
to which the master-mind of Descartes pointed the way all these historical
phenomena are associated with the course and issue of the War, and may, in a
wider or in a narrower sense, be reckoned among its consequences.
In bringing out the present volume, the Editors cannot
but once more refer to a loss which they have suffered, together with all
students of English history. It had been the hope of Lord Acton, and for a time
it was ours, that the eminent historian of England under James I and Charles I,
under the Commonwealth, and during the earlier part of the Protectorate, would
have contributed to this work a complete summary of a period of English history
to whose struggles we mainly owe the preservation of our constitutional
liberties. But Dr S. R. Gardiner was only able to write for our History the
first of the chapters undertaken by him, in which he gave proof of his close
study of the connection between English and Continental affairs. This chapter
was printed in an earlier volume of this work; those dealing with the reign of
Charles I and the ensuing years have been contributed by other writers, friends
and fellow-workers of the historian whom we have lost.
A short chapter is added, commemorating a school of
English poetry associated with much that was noblest in the ideas of the age
that was passing away. Of Milton, solitary even in the midst of the conflict in
which he bore a part, something more will be said in the volume of this History
dealing with the age in which his greatest work saw the light. There also will
be treated the great classical age of French literature, of which the beginnings
fall within the period covered by our present volume.
In conclusion, we desire to call attention to an
exceptional feature and one which is intended to remain altogether exceptional
Bibliographical portion of the present volume. The contemporary Histories of
the Thirty Years’ War, and many later works based upon these, are very largely
indebted - not always to the advantage of unadulterated historical - truth to
its pamphlet literature. Without some knowledge of that literature it is
impossible to understand the force of the blasts of fierce hatred and wild fear
which swept over a distracted nation; or to form a conception of the mass of
misrepresentation, perversion and falsification with which the newsletters and
historical narratives of the time had to deal. All the more necessary is an
inspection of such genuine historical documents as still exist. To English
students few of these, and only a small proportion of the vast pamphlet
literature of the age, have hitherto been generally accessible. It seemed a
fitting tribute to the memory of Lord Acton, the projector of this History, to
utilize the noble collection of books brought together by him and now, thanks
to the generous action of Mr. Carnegie and of Mr. John Morley, part of the
Cambridge University Library, for the purpose of attempting what has never
before been attempted in this country a full bibliography of the Thirty Years’
War, and more especially of its extant original documents and contemporary
narrative and controversial literature. The first of the bibliographies in the
present volume represents such an attempt. It does not claim to be exhaustive;
but it is meant, taken in conjunction with the several bibliographies which
follow, to be a step in that direction. The bibliography in question could not
have been produced without the skilled aid of Miss A. M. Cooke, who under the
general direction of the University Librarian is engaged in classifying and
cataloguing Lord Acton's collection, and that of the Assistants working in this
department. For this aid our sincere thanks are due. We venture to add that the
study of modern history in our University and in this country will in our
opinion benefit very greatly from the publication, which we trust is no longer
distant, of the classified catalogue of the library of our late Regius
Professor.
A. W. W.
G. W. P.
S. L.
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