A HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT TIMES IN PALESTINE 175 BC-70 AD

CHAPTER IX

THE RISE OF THE HOUSE OF ANTIPATER

During the ten years of political decadence that followed the Roman conquest of Judea, the weak Hyrcanus came increasingly under the control of his self-appointed patron, Antipater. The aid he was able to render to Scaurus in bringing Aretas to terms gave Antipater new importance; but even more was obtained from his services during the attempt of Aristobulus II to reinstate himself on the throne, after his escape from Rome in 56 BC, and, later, when Gabinius, at the command of Pompey, gave up his expedition against the Parthians in order to reinstate Ptolemy Auletes in Egypt, he not only furnished the Roman forces with supplies, weapons, and money, but won over the Jews who controlled the passes leading to Egypt. Afterward, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus II, had again undertaken to head a revolt against Rome, Antipater was sent by Gabinius to the Jews who favored the movement, if possible, to prevent the revolt becoming universal. In this Antipater was successful, although he could not win over Alexander himself. In return, he seems to have been put in charge of the finances of Judea, and Gabinius seems to have followed his advice implicitly in dealing with the affairs of Jerusalem. Antipater, in the meantime, also made friends among influential men generally, and especially with the king of Arabia, one of whose relations, Cyprus, he married. Yet, throughout these years he never attempted to remove Hyrcanus from the high-priesthood, and, although dictating his policy, seems to have shown him the utmost respect.

This growing importance of Antipater saved the Jews from the miseries that might have befallen them under the first triumvirate and during the Civil Wars, although Antipater was unable to prevent the avaricious Crassus from plundering the temple in direct violation of his oath not to take more than what was offered him. From this time Syria was in miniature the Roman republic. Most of the great leaders of the struggles begun by Caesar and Pompey at some time were within its limits. And what was true of Syria was almost equally true of Palestine. At first Antipater favored Pompey, while Aristobulus and his sons were supported by Caesar. But the friends of Pompey succeeded in poisoning Aristobulus II just as he was departing for Palestine at the head of two legions given him by Caesar, and shortly after the father-in-law of Pompey, getting possession of Alexander, beheaded him at Antioch. After the defeat and death of Pompey, however, Hyrcanus and Antipater immediately changed sides and supported Caesar. Fortunately, they were able to render him decisive aid. At the moment when Caesar's affairs were desperate at Alexandria, Antipater heard that Caesar’s ally, Mithridates, was unable to move beyond Askelon because of the enmity of the border tribes, and especially of the city of Pelusium. He immediately took a force of three thousand men and marched to his relief. In a surprising way he became for a moment one of the determining factors in universal history. He won over the Arabs and Syrians from Lebanon to the desert; led the storming party that broke down the wall of Pelusium; by means of letters from the high priest, won over the Jews of Egypt who had been at first hostile to Caesar, so that they not only allowed the passage of the troops, but supplied them with provisions; and, finally, in the decisive battle that gave Caesar control of Egypt, snatched victory out of defeat by coming to the aid of Mithridates just as his forces were being put to flight. When the news of these services reached Caesar, he readily overlooked the past and won Antipater over more completely by the promise of further service and reward. But more important, in gratitude for the services of Antipater, Caesar restored to the Jews many of their privileges which Pompey had destroyed. Instead of favoring Antigonus, the younger son of Aristobulus II, who urged that he be given the kingdom of which he complained Antipater and Hyrcanus had deprived him, Caesar confirmed Hyrcanus as hereditary high priest (possibly he had already appointed him hereditary ethnarch), and made Antipater a Roman citizen and procurator of Judea. It also appears that some of its old judicial rights were returned to the Gerousia. He further granted Hyrcanus the right to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem, abolished the divisions of Gabinius, gave the Jews freedom from supporting Roman soldiers or furnishing auxiliaries, a reduction of their tribute during the sabbatical year and the possession of Joppa. Subsequently several other places were restored; the Jews were termed the confederates of the Romans; their religious customs were more fully guaranteed them, not alone in Judea, but in Alexandria and elsewhere, and their feasts were excepted from legislation against “Bacchanal rioting”, both in Rome itself and in the provinces. The Jews of Alexandria were further recognised as citizens of that place. In the light of these privileges it is little wonder that the Jews should have been among the most sincere mourners of Caesar’s death.

New offices for the sons of Antipater

Thus established as representative of Rome in Judea, at least coordinate with the high priest, Antipater at once proceeded to build up the fortunes of his family, as well as to restore tranquility to Judea. His son, Phasaelus, he made governor of Jerusalem and its surrounding country; while Herod, his younger son, he put in charge of Galilee. An opportunity for displaying his energy met Herod at the outset of his administration in Galilee. Ezekias, a captain of a large band of robbers,—or quite as likely, rebels,—had made himself the scourge of the neighboring regions of Syria. Herod came upon him, captured him, and executed him together with a number of his followers, to the great delight of the Syrians. Phasaelus, not to be outdone by his brother, devoted himself to the administration of Jerusalem, and in his turn won new honor and popularity for his family, and especially for his father. Herod’s prompt punishment of Ezekias, however, met with the disapproval of the Council or Sanhedrin of Jerusalem, which seems to have possessed the exclusive power of life and death in Galilee, as well as in Judea proper, and aided by the demands of the mothers of the men who had been killed, the Sanhedrin persuaded Hyrcanus to order Herod to come to Jerusalem for trial. At the advice of Antipater, the young man came attended by a bodyguard of considerable size. Just how the case might have turned is not certain, for Sextus Caesar, the governor of Syria, wrote Hyrcanus threatening trouble unless Herod was acquitted; and as the sentence of death was about to be pronounced by the court, Hyrcanus adjourned the session until the next day. During the night Herod took the advice of Hyrcanus and fled to Damascus, where he bought from Sextus Caesar the position of general of the army of Coele-Syria, and prepared to make war on Hyrcanus. From this purpose, however, he was deterred by Antipater and Phasaelus, and for several months was apparently engaged in aiding Sextus Caesar in quieting Syria, where the party of Caesar was not yet supreme.

In 46 BC, however, the friends of Pompey, in that province, gathered about Caecilius Bassus, killed Sextus Caesar and began a civil war, whose outcome finally came to depend upon the siege of Apamaea, where the Pompeians had concentrated (45 BC). In this struggle Antipater sent troops to aid the party of Caesar, but no decided advantage had been won by the new governor of the province, L. Statius Murcus, when Caesar himself was assassinated March 15, 44 BC. In the civil war that followed, Lucius Cassius went to Syria to raise troops and funds in behalf of the conspirators. No sooner had he arrived than both Murcus and Bassus at Apamaea went over to him. Possessed thus of Syria, Cassius proceeded at once to levy exorbitant taxes upon the unfortunate provincials, Judea’s quota being set at 700 talents. Antipater attempted no resistance to the new ruler, but seized the opportunity of proving the serviceableness of his family. He at once set about the collection of this sum, dividing the task among Phasaelus, Herod, and his enemy Malichus. Herod showed so much zeal in collecting the portion that fell to Galilee that Cassius reappointed him general of Coele-Syria, giving him both land forces and a fleet.

The withdrawal of Cassius from Judea was followed by the murder of Antipater. Malichus, apparently one of the numerous Jews who wished a reinstatement of the old theocratic government under Hyrcanus, some time previously had attempted to put Antipater out of the way, but had been detected and forgiven. But when the future of Roman control seemed threatened, Malichus renewed his conspiracy and succeeded in poisoning Antipater as he was dining with Hyrcanus (43 BC), and immediately attempted to head a revolt. Thereupon, with the connivance and even encouragement of Cassius, Herod had him assassinated at Tyre, to the speechless astonishment of Hyrcanus, who now came under the control of Phasaelus and Herod.

The final withdrawal of Cassius from Syria was followed by general disorder. The Roman commandant, Felix, attempted to put Phasaelus under arrest, but was defeated even before Herod could send his brother aid; the party of Malichus, more or less with the support of Hyrcanus, broke into revolt and occupied several castles, chief among which was Masada; Antigonus, son of Aristobulus II, endeavored to regain Judea for his family, with the aid of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus of Chalcis, while Marion, the tyrant of Tyre, not only aided Antigonus, but himself captured three fortresses in Galilee.

But after the defeat of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (42 BC), Antony came to the east to reestablish Roman control. He was met in Bithynia by an embassy from Judea, praying him to remove Phasaelus and Herod and to reinstate Hyrcanus in something more than a semblance of power. Apparently, the case was hopeless for the former allies of Cassius, but Herod purchased the good will of Antony, and the embassy was not even given a hearing. A second deputation asking for the undoing of the acts of Cassius was, however, more successful, and Antony restored to liberty all those whom Cassius had sold for non-payment of taxes.

On the arrival of Antony in Antioch, a deputation of one hundred prominent Jews met him with new accusations against the sons of Antipater, especially Herod, whose insult to the Sanhedrim was doubtless still a source of hatred. But the remembrance of his former friendship with Antipater, together with the testimony of Hyrcanus himself to the good administration of Herod, led Antony to decide in favor of the accused, and to imprison and later to execute fifteen members of the deputation. He indeed did more, for he appointed Phasaelus and Herod tetrarchs, with full political power, Hyrcanus retaining, therefore, as he had under Pompey, simply the power of the high-priesthood, stripped of all political power. A subsequent embassy of a thousand Jews, which endeavored to persuade Antony to reverse his decision, was driven back by soldiers, and the state was apparently fixed in the hands of the Idumean family the subjects and appointees of Rome.