HISTORY OF ROME-THE IMPERIAL PEACE

CHAPTER I

II.

ROME AND THE EMPEROR

Vespasian began as a usurper. His position could not be sure till the Senate and People of Rome had confirmed the choice of the legions, had done for him what they had done for Galba, Otho and Vitellius. On 22 December, A.D. 69, the day after Vitellius' death, the Senate met and expressed its will that all the usual powers should be conferred on the victor; this resolution was then passed by the Peoples. It should be noted that it was not only the imperium proconsulare maius and the tribunicia potestas that were thus conferred: Augustus had needed, in addition to these, certain special powers from time to time, and exemption occasionally from laws; many of these powers and exemptions were now included en bloc in the law, as (for example) the right of convening the Senate and bringing business before it, or the right of commendatio. But Vespasian's competence was more comprehensive; the right of commendatio granted to him was apparently unlimited, and he had the right of advancing the pomerium whenever he thought fit. Naturally, all acts done by or authorized by him before this date were validated. Thus he was now legally secured and could take his place as the lawful successor to the deified Augustus, to Tiberius and Claudius.

The most urgent need was action to allay panic and to restore confidence to a distressed world. While he was at Alexandria during the early summer of 7o, Vespasian worked miraculous cures upon a blind man and upon a maimed man: the whole East should know that the power of the gods was upon him, and that he and his son Titus were the men, foretold in prophecy, who should come from Judaea to rule the world. In the West, his chief lieutenant, Mucianus, who arrived in Rome late in December 69, took power out of the hands of Antonius Primus and of the soldiery he could no longer control. He put to death the infant son of Vitellius, and another possible rival, Calpurnius Galerianus, and quickly restored some semblance of law and order. The new dynasty was represented by the young Domitian. A proclamation restored full civic status to all who had been convicted of maiestas under Nero or his successors, and from the Senate various commissions were appointed—to adjudicate upon claims for damage caused by the war, to make suggestions for greater economy in administration, and to search for copies of those old treaties and laws which had perished in the burning of the Capitols. As a sign to the whole world that the Roman power was unshaken the restoration of the Capitoline Temple was to be begun, and on 21 June 7o the foundation stone was laid amid general rejoicing. The revolts in East and West were to be put down: two good generals, Annius Gallus and Petilius Cerialis, were to deal with the Batavi, while it was learnt that the Emperor was leaving his own son, Titus, in Palestine to bring the Jewish rebellion to a speedy close.

THE BEGINNING OF RECOVERY 

Thus, though Vespasian did not reach Rome till about October 7o, he had already manifested unmistakably that he stood for order and peace, and on his arrival he confirmed these signs. He himself took a hand in clearing the site for the new Capitol, and tradition cherished the picture of the plebeian Emperor carting away rubbish on his shoulder. He began the reduction of the Praetorian Guards from sixteen cohorts to the original nine. By the end of the year he could announce that the revolts of the Batavi and Jews had been crushed, and could close ceremonially, like Augustus, the Temple of Janus; the Senate voted to him and to Titus a triumph for the capture of Jerusalem. Coins and altars mirror something of the joy and thankfulness that was felt. A whole series of dedications from this eventful year has been preserved—to the Victory of Vespasian, to the Pax Augusta, and to "the lasting peace brought by the house of Vespasian and his sons". The bronze coinage hailed Vespasian as Champion of the People's Freedom and celebrated The Loyalty of the Armies, The Restoration of Liberty, The Fairness of the Emperor, The People's Good Fortune and other similar topics. Most significant, perhaps, of all the coin-types for its message was that which depicted in symbol and promised in its legend "The Eternity of the Roman People".

It was essential to convince the world of two things, one that the succession was provided for and secure, second that the soldiers and the Praetorians would be under control. Vespasian kept his two sons assiduously before the public eye, though the elder was naturally more favoured: with Titus he held the ordinary consulship in 7o, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77 and 79, while though Domitian only held the ordinary consulship with his father once—in 71—he was consul ordinarius with L. Valerius Catullus Messallinus in 73, and suffect consul in 75, 76, 77 and 79. Coins displayed the brothers, elder and younger, as Principes Juventutis, and both bore the title Caesar', a title which henceforward indicates an heir to the throne. Titus was still further advanced: on his return from the East, in the spring of 71, he received the proconsular imperium, and was made partner with his father in tribunician power, which he held continuously from 1 July in that year, and in the year 73-4 he shared the censorship with Vespasian. He was allowed to write and sign letters and edicts in his father's name, and in the Senate he often acted as quaestor to him; Suetonius does not exaggerate when he claims that he played the part of colleague and guardian of the Empire. Though Domitian's position was lower, he yet held the consulship six times, and on inscriptions his name appeared frequently coupled with those of his father and brother.

There can be no doubt as to the significance of this. Apart from the prestige that this large number of consulships bestowed on his family, Vespasian made two things clear. One was that the stability of the government was assured: there was no lack of heirs, heirs who were being properly trained and were gaining ample political experience; it would take more than one man's assassination to produce a break in the succession. Secondly the future rulers were to be Flavians, for no other family would be so well fitted. 'My sons shall succeed me, or no one,' he declared: it was a choice between the rule of his family or anarchy.

Another danger point had been the legionaries. By the new regime the soldiers were kept in hand and in a good state of discipline, under extremely able commanders, some of whom may have been related to the ruling house. The Praetorians had proved unruly in the past, and the examples of Sejanus and of Nymphidius Sabinus showed that their Prefect might easily cherish undesirable ambitions; they were now placed under the sole control of Titus. It was a generous but bold step, for rumours had already circulated about Titus' supposed ambitions in the East; it was said he had let the army salute him as imperator after the capture of Jerusalem, and issued coins on which that title was given him; he was alleged to have attended the Apis Ceremony, and in the course of the ritual to have placed a diadem upon his head. None of these things need have weighed heavily with Vespasian, and the confidence the father placed in his son was fully repaid: Titus was faithful and vigilant, over-vigilant indeed according to our sources. For there were still disaffected elements to form a nucleus for the continual conspiracies which Suetonius records, and it would have been sheer folly to run risks.

THE SUCCESSION: THE OPPOSITION

Presumably these conspiracies—of which we have no details except of one in 79—aimed at murdering Vespasian and his sons and at setting up a new princeps in his place. There was opposition, however, from another quarter, more vocal and more stressed in our sources, though the danger from it was smaller. The focus of this opposition was a small coterie of Republican-minded senators, led by  Helvidius Priscus, and supported by such men as Arulenus Rusticus and Junius Mauricus. From the start they had determined to magnify the importance of the Senate and to minimize the part of the princeps: possibly they imagined that Vespasian, conscious of his humble origin, could be overawed by the patres; if so they were soon undeceived. But in the first few weeks they made themselves prominent. On the question of choosing members for an embassy to the Emperor, Helvidius Priscus demanded that they should be chosen for merit by their fellows on oath, rather than by lot, as was usual. When the praetors complained of the poverty of the State and the consul designate advised that this should be reserved for the Princeps to deal with, Helvidius was insistent that the Senate alone should tackle the problem, and he demanded that the restoration of the Capitol should be carried out by the State and Vespasian merely invited to assist.

These heroics did not win approval, and common-sense prevailed. But on some other matters senators were inclined to prove difficult. Many of them—C. Cassius Longinus, Helvidius Priscus, Q. Paconius Agrippinus, and Musonius Rufus—had suffered humiliation and exile under Nero, and some could not forget it. Cassius Longinus was wiser, devoting the remainder of his life to those legal studies in which he had already acquired fame; Paconius Agrippinus was prepared to serve under a new and better princeps; but the others were eager for revenge. Musonius Rufus attacked a Neronian informer, P. Egnatius Celer, and gained his condemnation. Heartened by this, Helvidius turned on the redoubtable Eprius Marcellus himself, while Junius Mauricus asked Domitian to throw open the Imperial archives and disclose the names of the informers. But though the body of senators, in new-found fervour, took an oath that they had done nothing to harm any man's life or goods, vindictiveness was not to be allowed play: both Domitian and Mucianus urged a general amnesty, the accusation against Marcellus was dropped, and he himself presently promoted to the governorship of Asia.

Thus Helvidius' day of glory was short: the Senate soon returned to a more submissive attitude. For the next few years, however, Helvidius was a thorn in the side of the ruling house. By his family connections he belonged to the irreconcilables; his wife Fannia was a daughter of the Thrasea Paetus, whom Nero had put to death, and a grand-daughter of the Caecina Paetus who had joined in a conspiracy against Claudius; his conduct must have been deliberate. He insulted Vespasian in word and act, refusing him his titles and reviling him. Vespasian asked him not to come to the Senate-House, if he meant simply to disagree with him and abuse him, but Helvidius persisted. Indeed he went further: he attacked monarchical systems and praised republican, and to the people he openly advocated revolution. The upshot could not be doubtful: placable though he was, Vespasian could not offer himself as a perpetual target for insult, and could not allow a senator to preach sedition. On some charge, unknown to us, he was banished and, shortly after, put to death, though Vespasian was extremely reluctant and even tried to recall the executioners.

Helvidius, indeed, was one of the few victims of Vespasian's reign, and some others may conveniently be mentioned with him.

The Emperor had to face savage attacks from a class of people called variously in our sources "philosophers, Stoics and Cynics". The last term seems the truer: at this time there arose again a class of itinerant moralists, who preached anarchy, inveighed against all rulers, and gloried in an utter unconventionality and indecency. Few of these can have been Stoics, for the Stoics had no objection to monarchy per se, only to bad monarchs, whereas these mob-orators were against all rule and order. So irritating and insulting did their attacks become that Mucianus, enraged, persuaded Vespasian in 71 to banish not only Cynics but all astrologi and philosophi from Rome: among others Demetrius the Cynic and C. Tutilius Hostilianus, a Stoic, had to leave the city.

This opposition may then be termed "philosophic", but there is no direct evidence for what has been sometimes assumed that it aimed at replacing a hereditary Principate by one based upon election. It would not be easy to disentangle the Republican and the Cynic elements in Helvidius Priscus, but one thing seems clear, that he was utterly opposed to any form of Principate, whether hereditary or elective. The Cynics went even further: while Helvidius may have advocated a return to some form of the old Republic, they were against all government and all holders of power. For generations they continued their exasperating attacks on the Emperors: Lucian records that Peregrinus actually abused and insulted the gentle Antoninus Pius himself—who took no notice—until at last the Prefect of the City drove him from Rome. It was unfortunate that these extravagances should bring the name of philosophy into disrepute, but they did: not only do Quintilian and Tacitus express their grave disapproval, but Dio Chrysostom and Lucian inveigh against the Cynics, who will do anything for publicity, while two Greek writers, who—be it observed—had both held official posts, Appian and Cassius Dio, are severest of all in their strictures. The average Roman had never had much taste for academic discussion; when the Cynics combined this with anarchic and subversive doctrine Roman official opinion was bound to be hostile.

Even to these Cynics Vespasian showed tolerance, if exile from Rome instead of flogging or execution can be counted as tolerance. He refused to put them to death, and when Demetrius continued his attacks and railings from outside Rome merely replied: "You are doing your utmost to get yourself killed by me, but I don't kill dogs for barking". But the Cynics succeeded in placing the Emperor in a difficult position; his patience was not inexhaustible, and a few years later their determined efforts at martyrdom met their reward.

VESPASIAN'S CENSORSHIP

Politically the most important achievement of the early years was the censorship which Vespasian and Titus held in 73-4. A century before, Augustus had had to fill the gaps caused among the patrician ranks by war and the proscriptions, and to reward merit or service to himself by promotion to the Senate; Vespasian had a like task. The number of patrician families had shrunk considerably, partly owing to natural causes, partly to persecution, while civil war and confiscation had also depleted the Senate. There is no doubt that Vespasian, at the very beginning of his reign, had irregularly given men senatorial rank to secure their loyalty: but the great work of restoration waited until his censorship. His policy was at once prudent and liberal: he was the first to adlect provincials inter patricios; the soundness of his choice is shown by three names—M. Ulpius Traianus, M. Annius Verus, and Cn. Julius Agricola. Men of merit, whether Italian or provincial, found their careers forwarded, and thus C. Antius A. Julius Quadratus, L. Baebius Avitus, and C. Fulvius Lupus Servilianus were adlected inter praetorios: among others added to the Senate, were an Ephesian, Tib. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, a Galatian, C. Caristanius Fronto, and L. Antonius Saturninus. All these men were to play a considerable part­Antonius Saturninus a sinister one—in the two generations after 7o. After completing the work of the censorship Vespasian not only advanced the pomerium—like Augustus and Claudius before him—but was able also to dedicate the Temple of Peace, in which he placed the spoils of the Jewish campaign: the Roman People could regard him now as conqueror, peace-bringer, and restorer of the State.

Within six years from his accession Vespasian had restored peace and order, stabilized the financial system, created new patrician families and refilled the Senate, and secured the succession for his family. From 75 to 79 there is little to record, though one or two items stand out. During the Jewish War one of the client-kings who had helped prominently was M. Julius Agrippa II; Titus fell violently in love with his sister Berenice. In 75 the brother and sister visited Rome and were greeted with great honour: Agrippa was granted the praetorian insignia and Berenice was lodged in the Palatium. Possibly, imagining that she was going to be Titus' wife, Berenice behaved arrogantly: we know she held her own court in Rome, for Quintilian records that he had pleaded before her. The memory of Cleopatra was not dead, many Romans honestly dreaded a union between Titus and an Oriental princess. Some Cynic preachers managed to slip back into Rome, and denounced the marriage and the ruling house; one of them, Diogenes, was caught and flogged, another, Heras, was executed. Such a punishment may represent a hardening in the governmental attitude towards "philosophers", or merely the personal exasperation of Titus. But the mischief was done, the marriage made impossible, and Titus must let Berenice depart "invitus invitam".

In legislation Vespasian was content to confirm or carry further the measures a Augustus or Claudius, and to correct anomalies. One method of evading the provisions of the Augustan marriage laws had been by creating trusts (fideicommissa) instead of making legacies: the S.C. Pegasianum of 73 put a stop to this by extending to fideicommissa the same restrictions with regard to caelibes and orbi as attached to inheritance under the Augustan law. A law of Claudius had forbidden money-lenders to make loans to a young man against his father's death: a S.C. Macedonianum, apparently passed in this period, strengthened this by directing that no action was to be given to such a creditor even though the father had since died. Apart from this we  hear of little, save that Vespasian abolished one anomaly in the mass of rules relating to the status of children of parents of unequal status by declaring that, in accordance with ius gentium, the children of a slave mother must themselves be slaves and the property of her owner.

There is little more to chronicle, though two events darkened the last year of Vespasian's reign. Orosius records that a plague visited Rome and carried off many victims, and this is our only notice of what may have been a serious disaster. The second event was a conspiracy formed against him by two of his trusted friends, A. Caecina Alienus, the general, and Eprius Marcellus, the orator and ex-governor of Asia. Conceivably it was a move by those who saw Vespasian was ageing, and feared the rule of Titus, but that can be only conjecture. The vigilance of Titus discovered the plot, but only just in time: Caecina, arrested as he was leaving the palace after dinner, was found to be carrying on him a speech for delivery to the soldiers, and was executed out of hand; Marcellus was given a form of trial and committed suicide. The danger must have been pressing, but that is all we know.

In the late spring of 79 Vespasian's health, till then untroubled, began to break. Even so he insisted on carrying on with business, and neither his courage nor his humour failed him. He refused to be put out by reported omens, light-heartedly referring their significance to others; when his final illness struck him he jested, "Vae, puto, deus fio". On June 24 he struggled to his feet to die as he said an imperator should, standing, and collapsed. He died as a soldier; his jest came true in his deification as Divus Vespasianus.

III.

REORGANIZATION: FINANCIAL AND PROVINCIAL